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Valerius (Valère) Coucke, 1888–1951
Translation by R. C. Young of the article entitled “Biblical Chronology” by V. Coucke,
in Louis Pirot, ed., Supplément au Dictionnaire de la Bible (Paris: Librairie Letouzey et
Ané, 1928, cols. 1245–1279).
Col. 1245: (Coucke’s writing below is preceded by several paragraphs by L. Pirot
dealing with the biblical chronology before the time of Solomon.)
III. From the construction of Solomon’s Temple until its destruction by the
Chaldeans. –– The history of Judah and Israel is intimately connected to the history of
the two great powers of this epoch, Assyria and Egypt. Before looking at the chronology
of the period we are concerned with, we must say a word about the system of dating that
was in force for these great nations. See in the Supplément, Vol. 1, cols. 774–782.
METHOD OF DATING OF THE ASSYRIANS AND THE EGYPTIANS. In Assyria, the year
consisted of 354 days; the first of Nisan was the first day of the year. Occasionally a
thirteenth month was intercalated, in order to
[col. 1246]
keep this day near the spring equinox.
In Egypt, the year was always 365 days. If, for four consecutive years, it began on the
19th of July according to our Gregorian calendar, on the four following years it began on
July 18, then four years later on the 17th, and so on . . . After 1512 years, the first day of
the Egyptian month Thoth would fall again on the 19th of July according to our
Gregorian year: This is the Sothic Period.1
The Assyrians and the Egyptians dated the years in accordance with the years of reign
of their monarchs.
Among the Assyrians, the first year of a monarch began only in the new year which
followed his accession: this is the method of postdating [accession reckoning].2 They
1 Note from translator: The Sothic period was really 1460 years (4 x 365), not 1512.
2 From here on, I will use ‘accession’ for Coucke’s ‘postdater’ and ‘non-accession’ for his ‘antidater
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called the resh sharruti (head, beginning the reign) the period of time that fell between
the accession of a king and his first year.
In this system, the total years of reign for a series of kings represents, within a fraction
of a year, the actual duration of this historical period.
In Egypt, the year during which a king died was both the last year of the deceased
king and the first year of his successor. When the following new year came, this would
already be his second year: this is the non-accession method, which was in effect before
the Persian era.3
In this system, when the years of x successive kings are added, x–1 years must then be
subtracted from the sum, that is, the number of years equal to the number of successions.
If this subtraction is forgotten, the year during which one king succeeded another will be
counted two times: first as the last year of the deceased king, then as the first year of the
successor. X years must be subtracted from the sum in question if it is desired to obtain,
as a fraction of the next year, the actual duration of consecutive reigns, since it is
necessary to take into consideration the fact that the first king of the list only reigned part
of his first year and the last king a part of the last year.
II. DATE AND DURATION OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE TEMPLE. — In the time of
Solomon the civil year began around the time of the autumnal equinox.
According to the testimony of Flavius Josephus, (Antiq. 1.3.3), the new year originally
began in the fall. Moses introduced the religious year that began in the spring, but he kept
the autumnal new year for secular matters.
The Jubilee year has the character of a civil year (Lev. 25:1 ff.). It begins on the tenth
day of the seventh month (Tishri), that is, around the time of the autumnal equinox.
The ancient month names Ziv, Bul, Etanim that are found (1 Kgs 6:1, 38; 8:21) in the
time of Solomon are from Phoenician names. But the Phoenician year began in autumn.
We cannot deduce anything from the expression “at the return of the year” (2 Sam
11:1; 1 Kgs 20:22, 26; 2 Kgs 13:20; 1 Chr 20:1; 2 Chr 36:10). It seems to designate the
spring, the return of the natural year as the expression “at the end of the year” (Ex. 23:16,
34:22) refers to autumn, the end of the natural year.
The years of reign were by the accession method at this time. The chronology of
David, Solomon’s father, provides the proof of this: Sometimes the Jews deviated, in
order to be more exact, from the official manner of computing the years (cf. Jer. 28:3; Is.
16:14; 21:16; Deut. 15:18; Job 7:1; 14:6). Thus the sacred author reports that David
reigned in Hebron 7 years and 6 months (2 Sam 5:5; 1 Chr. 3:4 5). Others give him the
official figure and say that this king
[The next four columns, 1247 through 1250, have Coucke’s charts of the dates for
the kings of Judah and Israel, with the text resuming in column 1251. I have scanned
in the four columns (two pages) and appended them to the end of this document.
In the table for Judah, Coucke assumes non-accession reckoning for Athaliah,
Joash, Amaziah, and Uzziah. He has the following coregencies:
Jehoshaphat/Jehoram, Jehoash/Amaziah. He misses these coregencies:
3 Although this was the system in the time of the Ptolemies, during the New Kingdom at least, the regnal
year began on the actual day of accession of the pharaoh (Jack Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology,
[Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1998], p. 70).
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Asa/Jehoshaphat, Uzziah/Jotham, Jotham/Ahaz, Ahaz/Hezekiah, and
Hezekiah/Manasseh. He emends the following reign lengths: Jehoshaphat, Amaziah
alt., Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, Hezekiah alt.
In the tables for the northern kingdom, Coucke assumes non-accession reckoning
for all kings except. Menahem, Pekahiah, and Hoshea.
He has the following coregencies: Jehu/Jehoahaz, Joash/Jeroboam II (in text, col.
1254, but not in table). He emends the following reign lengths: Joram, Pekah.
Inconsistencies in the table: Coucke’s starting and ending dates for Jehoahaz,
820n and 805n both in the text and in the table, are not consistent with 17 non-
accession years given him in 2 Kgs 13:1. Joash’s 16 years are by acc. reckoning in
the table, but in col. 1256 Coucke says all of Jehu’s dynasty was by non-accession
reckoning.
[text resumes in col. 1251]
reigned 7 years in Hebron (1 Kgs. 2:11; 1 Chr. 29:27). These years are therefore
accession years; if they were non-accession years, it would be necessary to say that he
reigned there 8 years. Moreover in these same passages, it is related that David reigned 7
years in Hebron and 33 years in Jerusalem, for a total of 40 years. This total supposes
accession reckoning. If the years were by non-accession reckoning, the sum would be 7 +
33 – 1 = 39 years.
The construction of Solomon’s Temple, which began in the fourth year, in the month
of Ziv, and was completed in the month of Bul of the 11th year (1 Kgs 6:1 ff., 2 Chr. 3:2)
took only six and one-half years, instead of 7 years and six months, as is generally
stated.4 The 5th year [of Solomon] began 5 months (Ethanim) after the first works.
The first year of the construction of this edifice [Solomon’s Temple] is determined as
follows: According to the marble tablet from Paros, the capture of Troy was in the month
of May 1207 BC;5 Tyre was founded a year earlier, that is, in the summer of 1208 BC6
4 Coucke is correct in saying that the construction of the Temple took 6 ½ years, but he could have
explained it more fully. In Coucke’s chronology for this period, Solomon’s fourth year began in Tishri of
968 BC and his 11th year began in Tishri of 961 BC. The start of Temple construction was then in Ziv
(Iyyar, May/June) of 967 BC. Completion was in Bul (Heshvan, Oct/Nov) of 961; Solomon’s eleventh year
had commenced in the month prior, Tishri. The elapsed time between May/June of 967 and Oct/Nov of 961
is six years and five months, which is rendered as seven years in 1 Kgs 6:38 by the principle of a partial
year being recognized as a whole year by the Hebrews. See the discussion in Edwin Thiele, Mysterious
Numbers of the Hebrew Kings, 3rd edition (Grand Rapids: Zondervan/Kregel, 1983), pp. 51–52, where this
consideration is used by Thiele as one of his two demonstrations that the Judean regnal year began in
Tishri.
Thiele’s years for Solomon are one year later than those of Coucke, even though both agreed that the
kingdom divided in the year 931n after the death of Solomon. Thiele had not read Coucke when he derived
this date. That both Coucke and Thiele were correct on this critical date has been demonstrated by more
recent scholarship, and Coucke’s derivation, given in the next several sentences of the text, is certainly
different from Thiele’s. Before I had read Coucke, I also had determined that Thiele’s years for Solomon
were one year too late. See my When Did Solomon Die?” and “Three Verifications of Thiele’s Date for
the Beginning of the Divided Kingdom.”
5According to the Ashmolean Museum, the Parian Marble (or Parian Chronicle) dates events relative to
264/263 BC. The basic source of the information in the Parian Marble was the annalistic records of Athens,
as demonstrated on pages 230–32 of Young and Steinmann, “Correlation of Select Classical Sources
Related to the Trojan War with Assyrian and Biblical Chronologies.” In the classical period at least,
Athens’ calendar year began on or shortly after the summer solstice; hence the figure 264/63 should be
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(cf. M. Junian Justin, Epitome Historium Philippicarum Pompeii Trogi, 18.3.5). The first
year after the foundation began in the fall of 1208 BC.7 Now according to Josephus, the
11th or 12th year of Hiram was the first year of the construction of the temple and the
240th or 241st year of Tyre (Antiq. 8.3.1; Contra Apionem 1.18), that is, the year 969 or
968 (Tishri 968 – Tishri 967).8
We can verify this date.
Carthage was founded, according to Josephus (Contra Apionem 1.17), in the 143nd
year of the construction of the Temple. If it is true that this construction began in 969 or
968, the foundation of Carthage must be dated to 826 or 825 (t. 825–t. 824). But Justinius
(18.6.9) dates this event at 72 years before the foundation of Rome, in the year (753 + 72)
= 825 or (752 + 72) = 824 BC, March 824 to March 823. It follows from these
considerations that the first works of construction of the Temple date from 969 or 968
BC. The biblical chronology shows that the work began in the year 968 (t. 968–t. 967).9
taken as a year extending from about July (Έκατομβαιών) of 264 BC to July of 263 BC. The Marble says
that Troy was taken 945 years before that date, i.e. in 264/63 + 945 = 1209/08, on the seventh day before
the end of the month Thargelion. This translates to June 10, 1208 BC, assuming that the Ashmolean’s base
date for the Marble is correct—which is a matter that needs further investigation. Coucke either thought the
Parian Marble dates to 263/62, not 264/63, or he used inclusive numbering for the 945 years. His years
therefore start off one year lower than those given on the Ashmolean site.
Curiously, the total solar eclipse of August 15, 310 BC that was visible at Athens, may support Coucke
in this matter. The Ashmolean site dates the Marble’s mention of the eclipse, 48 years before the base date,
to 312/11 BC. This presumably means either the period from July 312 to July 311 BC (Athenian calendar)
or from Dios (=Tishri, Sept/Oct) of 312 BC to Dios/Tishri of 311 BC by the Macedonian calendar that was
in widespread use in the third century BC. By either reckoning, the eclipse was too early for the Marble’s
date. Errington, who determined that the Parian Marble was generally accurate for the period following the
death of Alexander, nevertheless found it “inexplicable” that the Parian Marble missed the date of the
eclipse by one or two years (R. M. Errington, “Diodorus Siculus and the Chronology of the Early
Diadochoi, 320–311 B.C.,” Hermes 105 [1977], p. 504). However, if we assume, with Coucke, that the
base date of the Marble was 263/62 instead of the Ashmolean’s 264/63, and make the further assumption
that the Macedonian year was being used at this rather late time in the chronology of the Marble, then its
figure of 48 years prior to the base date (263/62) would come out to 311/10, i.e. the period from Tishri/Dios
(Sept/Oct) of 311 BC to the day before Tishri 1 of 310 BC. This would include the time of the eclipse, but
it assumes that the archivists of Athens had switched from their earlier July-based calendar to the
Macedonian calendar. Anyone who has taken the trouble to read thus far in this footnote may find these
considerations to be an interesting avenue for further study—comparing the Marble’s dates for the Battle of
Marathon, etc. using the various hypotheses.
6 This would be the summer of 1209 by the Ashmolean reckoning; see preceding note.
7It would be in 1209/1208—the year starting in the summer of 1209 BC—according to the Ashmolean
reckoning described in the preceding footnotes. 240 years later would be 969/68.
8Antiq. 8.3.1 gives 11th year of Hiram and 240th year of Tyre; Contra Apionem 1.18 gives 12th year of
Hiram and does not give the years since the founding of Tyre. Coucke uses the one-year disparity in order
to suggest that maybe it was 241 years from the founding of Tyre until construction of the Temple. This all
assumes Tishri-based years for everyone’s reckoning, including Tyre. If Pompeius Trogus was measuring
by the earlier Roman calendar, which began the year on March 1, then the March-based year before the fall
of Troy in May of 1208 BC would have overlapped two Tishri-based years, 1210t and 1209t, and the
resulting subtraction of 240 or 241 years from both these figures would allow the possibilities of 970t, 969t,
or 968t for the year in which the foundation of the Temple was laid, instead of just 969t or 968t calculated
by Coucke.
9Coucke here uses the second way of calculating the date, the calculation that starts from the founding of
Rome and measuring back to the date of Carthage’s founding, to show that 968 BC for the founding of the
Temple agrees with both the measurement from above (destruction of Troy and founding of Tyre) and from
below (foundation of Rome, 72 years before founding of Carthage). Dionysius of Halicarnassus placed the
founding of Rome on April 21 of 752 BC, but Varro and other writes placed it a year earlier, April 21 of
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III. FIRST PERIOD OF THE DIVISION, FROM THE ACCESSION OF REHOBOAM AND JEROBOAM
UNTIL THE ACCESSION OF ATHALIAH AND JEHU. — We think that during this first period of
the division the civil New Year began in Israel around the spring equinox, which was the
first of Nisan (between March 10 and April 6), which would be the first of Thoth (which
fell, in 731, on April 3).
The non-accession method of dating was here introduced in the official acts of
Jeroboam, its first king, who had come from the Egyptian court (1 Kgs. 12:2).
In Judah, the year began, we believe, in the fall, like the year of the Phoenicians10 and
of the kings before the schism, in the 7th month (Tishri), probably on the tenth of the
month. The civil year and the cycle of the months began consequently at a different time
from the solar year, but the course of the civil year depended on the cycle of the months,
the date of the New Year being fixed as the 10th of the seventh month.11 We should not
be surprised at this, since in our day the cycle of the weeks is independent of the cycles of
the year and the months.
A. The means of counting the years.
753 BC (Finegan, Handbook, pp. 98–99). Varro’s date was commonly accepted from the middle of the first
century BC and onwards, and this was probably the date used by Pompeius Trogus.
Regarding his use of March in his measurement from the founding of Rome to the founding of Carthage,
it was probably because the Roman year started on March 1 before 153 BC, and on January 1 at some time
after that date (Finegan, Handbook, p. 66). Since all sources agree in giving the traditional date of the
founding of Rome as April 21, whatever the year, measuring back 72 years from 753 BC would give the
year starting in March of 825 BC for the flight of Dido to found Carthage, following Pompeius Trogus, and
the founding of the Temple, 143 years earlier, in 825 + 143 = 968 BC, i.e. the year starting in March of 968
BC, assuming a consistent use of the early Roman calendar. Coucke combines this with the earlier result
when measuring down from the founding of Tyre (969t or 968t) and thereby rules out both 969t and 967t;
968t is the date that satisfies both methods.
Coucke’s method of determining the year of the founding of the Temple is an interesting—and as it
turns out, valid—way to proceed. But few scholars would have surmised that the date of the Parian
Chronicle for the destruction of Troy, or Josephus's record of what year of Tyre it was in which
construction of Solomon's Temple began, were correct. Despite the various corrections just mentioned, it is
of interest that the date of Solomon’s death that Coucke derived from this starting point, i.e., the year
beginning in Tishri of 932 BC, agrees exactly with the year that I determined when starting from the
Biblical texts and the Assyrian data. It also agrees exactly with the year that William Barnes, and his
mentor Frank Moore Cross, derived from the Tyrian King List of Menander/Josephus. None of us had read
Coucke prior to these publications. See Rodger C. Young, “When Did Solomon Die,” JETS 46 (2003) 589–
603 http://www.rcyoung.org/articles/solomon.pdf ; William H Barnes, Studies in the Chronology of the
Divided Monarchy of Israel (Atlanta GA: Scholars Press, 1991). Barnes recognized (p. 70) that the method
of determining the date for the start of construction of Solomon's Temple as derived from the Tyrian data is
"wholly independent" of the means of deriving this date from the Biblical data.
10 Coucke explains why he assumes Tishri-based years for Tyre in his article “Chronologie des rois de Juda
et d’Israël,” Revue bénedictine 37 (1925), p. 327. He used the same texts later used by Thiele (1 Kgs 6:37,
38 and 2 Kgs 22:3–23:23) to show that Judah had a Tishri-based calendar. Coucke remarks that three
month-names used in the times of Solomon, Ziv (1 Kgs 6:1,37), Bul (1 Kgs 6:38), and Ethanim (1 Kgs 8:2)
are found in Phoenician inscriptions, and so these are Phoenician month-names. He then infers that since
the two kingdoms had the same month-names, Tyre’s calendar would have the same starting month as was
used in Judah.
11 Coucke is following Wellhausen here, always a dubious source. The New Year began on the first of
Tishri, as is the custom among Jewish people to the present day. Only in a Jubilee year did the New Year
began on the 10th of Tishri.
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When the years of the kings are added since the secession of the tribes until the death
of Ahaziah of Israel, in the 18th year of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah (2 Kgs. 3:1), we
obtain:
In Judah: 17 (Rehoboam) + 3 (Abijam) + 41 (Asa) + 18 (Jehoshaphat) = 79 years.
In Israel: 22 (Jeroboam) + 2 (Nadab) + 24 (Baasha) + 2 (Elah) + 12 (Omri) + 22
(Ahab) + 2 (Ahaziah) = 86 years.
The difference is only apparent. Judah was using accession reckoning, and Israel non-
accession reckoning. It is necessary to subtract from
[col. 1252]
the latter sum seven years, in keeping with the principle of non-accession reckoning (see
above, col. 1246). Once the subtraction is made, it is noticed that the two sums are in
perfect agreement, since they give, within a fraction of a year, the real length of the same
period of history.12
B. Date of the new year.
In order to explain all the synchronisms of this period, it is necessary to assume that
the civil year in the two countries began at a different time of the solar year.
We think that Judah, which remained faithful to the house of David, and which kept
within its official acts the accession system that was in force before the division, retained
also the traditional New Year. The house of Israel, which adopted in its official acts the
non-accession system of the Egyptians, chose as the New Year’s date the first of Nisan,
or perhaps the first of Thoth. This hypothesis, which is a priori the most reasonable, is
also the only one that allows keeping, during all the monarchic period, the New Year in
the autumn in Judah and in the spring in Israel.
C. Length of the reigns of Jehoshaphat of Judah and Joram of Israel, coregency of
Jehoram of Judah, as synchronized with the accession of Ahaziah of Judah. 1. — If
Jehoshaphat reigned 25 years after the death of his father, he would have outlived
Ahaziah of Judah, the son of Jehoram. (We will use Jehoram for the name of the king of
Judah, in order to distinguish him from Joram of Israel, his contemporary.) The biblical
narratives imply that Jehoshaphat died before Jehoram. One could assume that Asa made
him his associate on the throne, perhaps in the 39th year of his reign (2 Chron. 16:12).13
In this case, the accession of the sons of Ahab would be expressed in relation to the years
of Jehoshaphat’s sole reign.14 However, this is hardly probable. We prefer to suppose that
a copyist read 25 in place of 23, which is a easy error (because of the evolution of the
Hebrew alphabet) and also frequent (compare the different readings of 1 Kgs 15:33 [?]
and 2 Kgs 18:1).
2. In the Bible, there are two synchronisms for the accession of Joram of Israel. He
mounted the throne in the 18th year of Jehoshaphat (2 Kgs 3:1), and in the 2nd year of
Jehoram (2 Kgs 1:17). These two synchronisms do not necessarily mean a corruption of
the sacred text; but they indicate that Jehoram was made associate on the throne with his
predecessor. One could in fact understand these texts in two different ways:
12 The same argument is given, independently (Thiele had not read Coucke), in Edwin Thiele, The
Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings (Grand Rapids: Zondervan/Kregel, 1986), p. 78.
13Thiele agrees with this; so do McFall and I.
14 This also is correct; Coucke is wrong in rejecting it.
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a) Either the sacred author wanted to indicate that Joram was at first associated on the
throne by his brother, in the 18th year of Jehoshaphat, and that he reigned alone later at
the death of his brother, in the second year of Jehoram. This first hypothesis is not
probable because Ahaziah, Joram’s brother, died in this same 18th year of Jehoshaphat.
Therefore, Joram’s sole reign began at this time.
b) Or the author wanted to signify that the 18th year of Jehoshaphat was also the 2nd
year of Jehoram, that is, that Jehoshaphat made his son his associate on the throne. 2 Kgs
8:16 confirms this hypothesis: “In the 5th year of Joram, son of Ahab of Israel, Jehoram,
son of Jehoshaphat of Judah, began to reign.” If Joram took the throne in the 18th year of
Jehoshaphat, the 23rd and last year of Jehoshaphat could begin in the fifth year of Joram;
(See the table on the following page). [Table not given in this translation]. Then Jehoram
began his sole reign in the 5th year of Joram, after the 10th of Tishri.
The Hebrew text continues, “In the fifth year of Joram, Jehoshaphat still being king,
Jehoram began to reign . . .” The italicized words are missing in many manuscripts and
ancient versions. They should be rejected as a copyist’s addition.
[col. 1253]
3. The number of years of reign for Joram is excessive. a) Joram and Jehoram reigned
close to the same number of years. Joram began to reign in the 2nd year of Jehoram (2
Kgs 1:17), more than one year after this king; he died in the year following the death of
this king, in fact, a few months after him (2 Kgs 8:25, 9:29). However, Joram of Israel
reigned 12 years whereas Jehoram of Judah only had a reign of eight years (2 Kgs 3:1;
8:17). Unless we suppose that on the death of Jehoram the throne was vacant for several
years (a hypothesis that hardly seems possible), we must reduce the years of Joram of
Israel by 4 or 5 years.15
b) According to Assyrian documents, Jehu was already king of Israel in 842,16 and
Ahab was still king during the summer of 854 (Battle of Qarqar). Between these two
dates, there must be put, according to the Bible, the expedition of Ramoth, which cost
Ahab his life, the reigns of Ahaziah (2 years) and Joram (12 years), the sons of Ahab, and
the accession of Jehu. However, the chronology of the following period will show that
the accession of Jehu dates from Tishri of 846–Nisan 845. From this it must be concluded
that Joram of Israel reigned 7 years (instead of 12): the first year of Joram was probably
the year 852, and his seventh year began on the first of Nisan or Thoth, 846 BC.
c) The synchronisms for the accession of Joram of Israel require a reduction in the
reign of this king of exactly 5 years. This actually derives from the table above, which is
based on the two synchronisms, that the sixth year of Joram of Israel began on the first of
Nisan or Thoth in the 7th year of Jehoram of Judah. Since Ahaziah of Judah only reigned
one year and died after Joram of Israel (2 Kgs 8:25; 9:17–28), it follows that Joram must
have reigned 7 years: [diagram is presented showing this, but it is not given in this
translation]
d) In 1856, there was discovered near Dibban [Dibon], and ancient city of the
Moabites, a stele of the king Mesha, having a long inscription. Here is that translation of
a passage that is of interest to us:
15 Thiele explains this by a coregency of Jehoram of Judah with his father Jehoshaphat, so that the length of
his reign, as measured from the coregency, was 12 years, but as measured from the sole reign it was only 8
years, the number given in 2 Kgs 8:17.
16 Should be 841 when the correct date for the Battle of Qarqar, 853 instead of Coucke’s 854, is given.
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Omri, king of Israel, was the oppressor of Moab for a long time, because Chemosh
was angry with his country; and his son succeeded him and he also said “I will
oppress Moab!” It was in my time that he spoke like this. And I triumphed over him
and his house and Israel has perished forever. However, Omri had taken possession
of the region of Madaba and (Israel) dwelt there during his days and the term of
days of his sons, for 40 years, and Chemosh gave it back (to us) in my time.
[col 1254]
This inscription gives the impression that Omri took possession of Madaba at the
beginning of his reign, and that his dynasty was in power for only 40 years. However,
Omri reigned 12 years, Ahab 22, Ahaziah 2, and Joram, the last king of the house of
Omri, 12 years (1 Kgs 16:23, 29; 22:52; 2 Kgs 3:1). Since the years of reign are by non-
accession reckoning, according to the Bible the dynasty of Omri would have lasted 12 +
22 + 2 + 12 – 3 = 45 years. It seems therefore that there was a lengthening of reign of 5
years for one of these kings. The biblical synchronisms show that this was the reign of
Joram.
4. It follows from these considerations that the synchronisms for the accession of
Ahaziah of Judah (2 Kgs 8:25; 9:29) are not authentic.17 It is required to correct the early
text so as to date this accession to the 7th year of Joram of Israel.
IV. THE SECOND PERIOD OF THE DIVISION, FROM THE ACCESSION OF ATHALIAH AND
JEHU UNTIL THE DESTRUCTION OF SAMARIA. — We shall examine, regarding the second
period of the division, just what the New Year and the manner of dating were in Judah
and in Israel. We shall then demonstrate that Jehu and Joash18 associated their sons on the
throne in the next-to-last year of their reign, and finally we shall attempt to resolve the
chronological difficulties of chapters 15 and 16 of 2 Kings.
A. A new year and manner of dating in Judah. — Athaliah, the princess from Israel,
mounted the throne of Judah shortly after the accession of Jehu (2 Kgs 9:27, 11:3). She
died in the sixth year of her reign, the seventh year of Jehu (2 Kgs 11:3, 12:1). If this
princess introduced into the official acts of Judah the non-accession method of dating that
was in effect in the country of her birth, but kept the autumnal new year, we can assume
the following chronology (see table on the following page) [table is not given in this
translation].
The chronology of Athaliah’s successor requires the same hypothesis: his reign is by
non-accession reckoning and the New Year began in the two kingdoms at a different
time. Here is the proof:
Jehoash took the throne of Judah during the 7th year of Jehu (2 Kgs 12:1), who
reigned 28 years (2 Kgs 10:36). There are therefore 21 years between the accession of
Jehoash and the death of Jehu. Then Jehoahaz succeeded Jehu in the 23rd year of Jehoash
(2 Kgs 13:1). In order to explain this synchronism, it is not enough to assume that the
17 There is no problem with the biblical texts. The problem is to determine how Mesha measured the 40
years.
18 Coucke’s table for the kings of Israel does not show any coregency between Joash and Jeroboam II, nor
could I find any other mention of it in his text. The table has Joash dying in 789n and the 41- (40-) year
reign of Jeroboam II as 789n – 749n.
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years of Jehoash are by non-accession reckoning. In fact if the New Year fell on the same
date in the two countries, the 8th year of Jehu
[col. 1255]
coincided with the 2nd year of Jehoash, and his 28th year with the 22nd year of this
Judean king. In order that the 23rd year of Jehoash would coincide, at least in part, with
the 28th year of Jehu it is necessary to assume, in addition to non-accession reckoning, a
difference in the time for the New Year. We assume once again that the year began in
Judah during the autumn and in Israel in the spring. With this hypothesis, Jehoash could
have already begun his second year (by non-accession reckoning) during the 7th year of
Jehu and his 23rd year in Jehu's 28th year.
We maintain therefore that at the beginning of this period, the date of the New Year
differed between the two kingdoms, and that the reigns of Judah were by non-accession
reckoning.
This double affirmation is confirmed by the following. Thus, regarding non-accession
reckoning: on the death of Joash, king of Israel, Amaziah, king of Judah, began the 15th
year of his reign (2 Kgs 14:23); he reigned 29 years (2 Kgs 14:20) and lived 15 more
years (2 Kgs 14:17) after the death of Joash. Therefore, according to accession reckoning,
from the 15th to the 29th year of the reign of Amaziah, we must count 14 years, instead
of 15. It is therefore necessary to see in these calculations an application of the non-
accession system of reckoning: according to this procedure, the 15th year of Amaziah
was already the first year of Joash, and his 29th was the 15th after the death of Joash.
Non-accession reckoning was no longer officially used by the time of Ahaz. In fact,
while Pekah outlived Jotham (2 Kgs 15:37),19 his death is dated in the reign of this king
(2 Kgs 15:30). The reign of Ahaz, successor to Jotham, must therefore be by accession
reckoning. This usage was afterward kept by the succeeding kings on the throne of Judah.
As for the differing times for the New Year, we shall have occasion to establish it and
the end of this period, when we look at the chronology of Menahem and his successors.
In summary: the official usage of accession reckoning, which was in use in the time of
David and Solomon, was maintained in Judah during the first period of the division.
Athaliah, the princess from Israel, introduced the non-accession system that was in
official use in Israel, her country of birth. This convention was afterward maintained
during the reign of Jehoash. The
[col. 1256]
regnal years of Ahaz went back to accession reckoning, as we shall see because of such
circumstances.
Judah remained faithful to a New Year in the autumn.
B. The New Year and method of dating in Israel. — As long as the dynasty of Jehu
endured, nothing would indicate a change in the manner of dating and in the time of the
19 This verse does not say that Pekah outlived Jotham, but 2 Kgs 16:1 implies that he did.
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New Year. It is therefore probable that that the non-accession method continued in Israel
and that the New Year fell in the spring.20
Zechariah, the last king of this dynasty, was overthrown by Shallum, son of Jabesh.
The reign of the usurper only lasted one month; he was in his turn overthrown by
Menahem, son of Gadi, who took the throne in the 39th year of Uzziah of Judah (2 Kgs
14:17). Menahem reigned ten years. His son, Pekahiah, succeeded him in the 50th year of
Uzziah and occupied the throne for 2 years (2 Kgs 25:23). He was killed as the result of a
conspiracy and replaced by Pekah, the instigator of the revolt, in the 52nd year of Uzziah
(2 Kgs 15:27).
Menahem and his son introduced the accession method in Israel. If he had used non-
accession reckoning, the last year of Menahem would date from the month of Nisan (or
Thoth) from the 50th year of Uzziah:
[diagram showing Menahem dying in 50th year of Uzziah is not given in this translation]
Elsewhere, according to the sacred author (2 Kgs 15:27), the accession of Menahem,
father of Pekahiah, should be reported as the 39th year of Uzziah.21 It follows, from this
synchronism that Menahem, if he had used non-accession reckoning, would have had a
reign of 12 or 13 years. But the Bible (2 Kgs 15:17) establishes the length of Menahem’s
reign at only ten years.
On the other hand, if we assume that Menahem introduced the accession method of
dating, it is not necessary to change the length of his reign. It is then possible, as is shown
in the following table, that Pekahiah mounted the throne before the month of Nisan or
Thoth of this 50th year [of Uzziah]. Menahem could therefore date his 10th year
(accession reckoning) (see table on the following page [table not given in this
translation]) from the month of Nisan in the 49th year of Uzziah, his first year in
Uzziah’s 40th year, and his resh sharruti from the end (Nisan–Tishri) of the 39th year of
this king (2 Kgs. 15:17).
Historical circumstances explain the appearance of the accession method. Menahem
paid tribute
[col 1257]
to Assyria. The discourse of Hosea 7–9, which dates from the first years of his reign,
denounces the abandonment of national traditions. The preferences went sometimes to
Assyria, sometimes to Egypt.
Josephus attributes to Menahem a reign of 12 years. If this is a valid reading, Hosea is
the only king of Israel who used accession reckoning. The reading of the actual text is
easily explained by the omission of one word.
The reign of Pekah, successor to Pekahiah, but who did not belong to the preceding
dynasty, was once again by non-accession reckoning.
20 However, the date Coucke gives for Joash, grandson of Jehu, implies accession reckoning. The table has
Jehoahaz dying in 805n and Joash dying in 789n—a 16-year difference. Second Kings 13:10 gives Joash 16
years.
21 There seems to be some confusion here. It was Pekahiah, not Menahem, who died in the 52nd of Uzziah
(2 Kgs 15:27); the ten years of Menahem plus the two years of Pekahiah would go back to year 39 of
Uzziah only if accession reckoning was used and the two kingdoms had different starting months for their
new year, as Coucke correctly argues in the next paragraph.
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Having mounted the throne in the last year of Uzziah (2 Kgs 15:27), Pekah had
already begun the second year of his reign when Jotham succeeded his father (2 Kgs
15:32). The different epoch of the New Year in the two kingdoms, and the reintroduction
in Israel of the non-accession method of reckoning, explain both of these apparently
irreconcilable synchronisms.
[Diagram omitted in this translation: it shows Pekah beginning between Tishri and Nisan
of Uzziah’s last year, and Uzziah dying between Nisan and Tishri of that year.]
This change in the system of dating once again is explained by the historical
circumstances. Under Pekah, the Egyptian party triumphed. Israel entered into a war
against Judah, which implored the help of Assyria (2 Kgs 16:17).
Herzog maintained that the reign of Hoshea, Israel’s last king, was once again by
accession reckoning. It should not at all be surprising that this king, a creature of Tiglath-
Pileser, had adopted the Assyrian manner of reckoning dates. It would have moreover
made it easier since Menahem provided an example for this, and that the accession
method of dating already existed in Judah.
It is generally thought that the datum (2 Kgs 17:1) that attributes to the last king of
Samaria a reign of nine years is in error. However, if the accession system was in effect
in Israel, Hoshea reigned exactly nine years. Here is the proof:
According to Assyrian and Babylonian documents, Samaria fell during the resh
sharruti of Sargon.22 Shalmaneser V died in the fifth year of his reign, on the 12th of
Tebeth. Sharru-ukin (Sargon) who succeeded him mounted the throne on the 25th of the
same month, that is, the second or
[col. 1258]
third of January, 721 BC. His resh sharruti finished on the second or third of April in the
same year (Kugler, Von Moses bis Paulus, Münster, 1922, p. 181). The Bible dates the
capture of Samaria to the 9th year of Hoshea (2 Kgs 17:6). It therefore must be that the
last (9th) year of this king began in the month of Nisan or Thoth 722; the first, 8 years
earlier, in the spring of 730. With the sole hypothesis that accession reckoning was in
effect, Hoshea could mount the throne (and commence his resh sharruti) a little after the
first of Nisan or the first of Thoth, 731.
However, the Eponym List dates the year 733–732 as a campaign against Damascus.
Toward the end of this expedition, A-u-s-i (Hoshea) succeeded Pa-qa-ha (Pekah). It
seems evident to us that we can only conclude from the data of this list of limmus that the
accession of the last king of Samaria ought to be taken exactly within the limits of the
Assyrian year 732. In addition, even if it is necessary to conclude that all the events that
are indicated in this campaign against Damascus and Samaria took place before the end
of this year, it could still be possible that the accession of Hoshea, falling at the end of the
Assyrian year, belongs already to the beginning of the year that was in effect within
22 This is no longer held by many modern chronologists. Thiele argued that on the basis of the biblical
chronology, Samaria fell to Shalmaneser V in 723 BC, not to Sargon in 722 or 721, as believed by
Assyriologists when Coucke wrote. Thiele’s position on this matter was validated in 1958, when Hayim
Tadmor published a study of Sargon’s annalistic records that showed that he did not engage in any military
in the west (i.e. toward Israel) until 720 BC.
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Israel: the first of Nisan of the Jews could precede the first of Nisan of the Assyrians and
the first of Thoth fell, in 731, on the 15th of February.23
We believe therefore that Hoshea reigned 9 years and that his reign went by accession
reckoning. Moreover, we have another argument proving that this king’s reign is by
accession reckoning, while also showing that the year began at a different time in the
kingdoms of Judah and Israel:
Ahaz died and Hezekiah succeeded him in the third year of Hoshea (2 Kgs 18:1).
However the accession of Hoshea is dated from the 12th year of Ahaz, who reigned 16
years. This is all explained if the last king of Israel used accession reckoning and if the
date of the New Year differed in the two countries. In this case the resh sharruti of
Hoshea began in the 12th year of Ahaz, his third year finished on the first of Nisan or
Thoth of the 16th year of that king. Ahaz would have died before the first of Nisan of his
16th year of reign.
[col. 1259]
In summary: The New Year, for the entire period of the division, fell at the beginning
of spring in Israel, and at the approach of autumn in Judah.
The non-accession method, which was in effect in Egypt, was implanted in Israel by
Jeroboam, its first king, who had lived at the court of the pharaohs. This system was kept,
in official acts, until the last years of the kingdom. The dynasty of Menahem, which
consisted of only two kings, and Hoshea, the last king of Israel, introduced the accession
reckoning that existed in Assyria.
The same change was operative around the same time in Judah. This country, which
under Athaliah the princess from Israel had abandoned the longtime official reckoning by
accession years, took again its original custom during a time of great Assyrian influence.
C. Coregencies. — Before looking at chapters 15–16 of 2 Kings, we notice the
existence of two coregencies: Jehoahaz reigned from the 23rd to the 37th year of Jehoash,
king of Judah (we spell his name this way to distinguish him from Joash, king of Israel),
2 Kgs 13:1–10. But according to the sacred author, he reigned 17 years. This is all
explained if we allow that Jehoahaz was associated on the throne in the next-to-last year
of Jehu, in the 21st year of Jehoash.24
Amaziah, the successor to Jehoash of Judah, became king in the second year of Joash
(2 Kgs 14:1). But Joash mounted the throne of Israel in the 37th year of Jehoash, who
reigned 40 years (2 Kgs 12:1). According to these synchronisms, Amaziah was associated
on the throne in the next-to-last year of Jehoash.
23 The first of Nisan never falls as early as February; see Richard A. Parker and Waldo H. Dubberstein,
Babylonian Chronology 626 B.C.—A.D. 75 (Providence, RI: Brown University Press, 1956). Coucke’s
problems here are because he accepts the claim of Sargon that he conquered Samaria in his accession year.
See preceding footnote: Samaria actually fell in 723n/723t, during the final year of Shalmaneser V. Sargon
falsely claimed, in an inscription from late in his reign, to be the conqueror.
24 An interesting idea. Thiele, followed by McFall and myself, explains the 17 years by assuming the
following. The 23rd year of Jehoash was measured by non-accession reckoning; it was 836t – 22 (acc) =
814t. The 37th year of Jehoash, however, was by accession reckoning, because of the switch back to
accession reckoning in Judah about this time: 836t – 37 = 799t. Jehoahaz began in the first of 814t, i.e.
814t/813n, so that by Israel’s reckoning his accession year was 814n. He died in the latter half of 799t, i.e.
in 798n/798t, so that by Israel’s Nisan-based calendar his last year was 798n, which gives 814n – 798n = 16
years, or 17 non-accession years, for his reign.
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D. The chronological difficulties of 2 Kgs 15 and 16. — The chronology of chapters
15 and 16 is called by Tiele (Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte, Gotha, 1886, p. 136–
137) “inextricable”; by Maspero (Histoire ancienne des peuples de le‘Orient classique,
Paris, 1908, III, p. 156) “inexact throughout” and by Herzog (op. cit., p. 122) “the home
of confusions.” In order to facilitate the account, we shall first consider the
contemporaneous and parallel reigns of Pekah and Hoshea on the one side, and of Jotham
and Ahaz on the other side, and then the reign of their predecessors, Amaziah and
Uzziah, kings of Judah; Zechariah, Shallum, Menahem, and Pekahiah, kings of Israel.
1. Chronology of Pekah. — This king reigned at the most for six years. In 738, the 8th
year of Tiglath-Pileser III, Menahem paid tribute to Assyria.25 Let us suppose that he died
in this same year. For the reign of Pekahiah (2 years, 2 Kgs 15:23), since it was by
accession reckoning, his 2nd and last year dates from the spring of 736. As a result, the
2nd year of Pekah (see the next-to-last table) begins at the very earliest on the first of
Nisan or Thoth 735. On the other hand, the Eponym List dates the year 733–732 for the
campaign “ana Dimashqa” [“against Damascus”]. Toward the end of this campaign
Pekah was killed and replaced by Hoshea. We have shown above that the accession of
Hoshea was at the beginning of the year 731,26 a little after the first of Nisan or the first
of Thoth. From this we concluded, at the same time assuming that
[col 1260]
Menahem died in the same year that he is mentioned among the tributaries of Tiglath-
Pileser, and that Pekah could have reigned all of the six years by non-accession reckoning
(n. 736–n. 731). The present text of the Bible attributes to him a reign of 20 years (2 Kgs
15:27)!27
2. The chronology of Jotham. — This king reigned at least 3 years (2 Chr 27:5). His
reign lasted, after the death of his father Uzziah, at the very most 4 years by accession
reckoning, 5 if by non-accession reckoning. In fact, he mounted the throne in the second
year of Pekah, that is, at the earliest after the first of Nisan or Thoth 735. The next-to-last
table than we have given shows that Uzziah had already died before the autumn. Hence
the first the first year by accession reckoning, or the second by non-accession reckoning,
could begin in Tishri of 735. On the other hand, the last year dates to the autumn of 732.
We shall demonstrate this shortly. He reigned, consequently, at the maximum of 4
accession years or 5 non-accession years. The Bible (2 Kgs 15:33) gives him a reign of
16 years!28
25 The year was 743 or 742. See Thiele, Mysterious Numbers, p. 121; T. C. Mitchell in Cambridge Ancient
History Vol. 3, Part 2, 326; Rodger Young, “Inductive and Deductive Methods As Applied to OT
ChronologyMSJ 18 (2007), pp. 113–115.
26 As mentioned above (footnotes 22 and 23), Coucke’s accession year for Hoshea is a few months too late
(Hoshea’s reign actually began in 732t/731n) because he did not realize that Sargon was lying when he
claimed he took Samaria in his (Sargon’s) accession year. Sargon may have been in Shalmaneser’s army in
early 723, when Samaria fell, but after he became king (Dec. 722 or Jan. 721), he had no campaigns in the
west for his first two years (Hayim Tadmor, “The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A Chronological-
Historical Study,” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 12 (1958):22–42, cited in Thiele, Mysterious Numbers, p.
167.)
27 See Thiele, Mysterious Numbers, pp. 129–132.
28 Thiele has an eleven-year Uzziah/Jotham coregency. The necessity of the coregency is quite explicit in 2
Kgs 15:5.
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The sacred author reports that the expedition of the kings of Damascus and Samaria
began in the time of Jotham (2 Kgs 15:37). From this it seems that this king did not see
the end of the hostilities. These ended at the beginning of 731, at the end of the Assyrian
campaign against Damascus (733–732). Hence Jotham died before 731. On the other
hand, the death of Pekah is also dated in terms of his reign (2 Kgs 15:30). We saw that
this king was assassinated by Hoshea, who succeeded him at the beginning of spring in
731. From this it follows that Jotham began his last year in the autumn of 732.
3. The chronology of Ahaz. — According to the present text of the Bible, this monarch
reigned 16 years (2 Kgs 16:2), of which 12 were as coregent with his father (2 Kgs 15:30;
17:1), since the accession of Hoshea is reported in the 12th year of Ahaz and the last,
Ahaz’s 20th (2 Kgs 15:35 [sic; S.B. 15:30]), or rather in the 16th of Jotham. The 16 years
of this king are those which he reigned after the death of Uzziah, from the 2nd to the 17th
year of Pekah (2 Kgs 15:32; 16:1). Therefore, we have seen above that Jotham reigned,
after the death of his father, at the most 4 years by accession reckoning or 5 by non-
accession reckoning, that is, that he added to the (maximum) length of his reign 11 or 12
years. We therefore ascertain a mistake introduced in the biblical chronology. It gives the
solution of these chronological difficulties: Jotham reigned (16 – 12 =) 4 or (16 – 11 =) 5
years. The coregency did not exist or was increased by 11 years.29
As a consequence, the accession of Ahaz (2 Kgs 16:1) dates from the (17 – 11 =) 6th
of (17 – 12 =) 5th year of Pekah. But this accession cannot be dated from the 6th year,
since we have shown above that Jotham died and left the accession to his son before the
first of Thoth or Nisan 731, the commencement of the sixth year of Pekah. From this, a
coregency of 12 years has been introduced. Jotham reigned (16 – 12 =) 4 years, and his
son also reigned (16 – 12 =) 4 years.
The accession of Ahaz dates to the (17 – 12 =) 5th and next-to-last year of Pekah.
If Jotham reigned 4 years, his reign is by accession reckoning. The following table
proves it: [table not given in this translation]
[1261]
We have every reason to believe that the forger [faussaire] increased the years for
Pekah in the same proportion as those for Jotham and Ahaz.30 We believe also that the
29 Coucke here chooses to declare that the Bible is in error rather than to recognize a coregency. Thiele has
an eleven-year Ahaz/Jotham coregency.
30 In the unrest after the slaying of Zechariah and then, one month later, his assassin Shallum, the northern
kingdom split into two factions. In the north, Pekah ruled with the support of the Gileadites, while
Menahem reigned in the city of Samaria. Apparently due to the increasing threat from Assyria, there was a
rapprochement during the final years of Menahem or in the short reign of his son and successor Pekahiah
in which Pekah was conceded a command in the army of Samaria, a position which he used to his
advantage to betray and assassinate Pekahiah. There were therefore two ways to reckon when Pekah’s reign
began: either at the division of the northern kingdom on the death of Shallum, so that he had a reign of 20
years, or 9 years from his slaying of Pekahiah. Although these circumstances are not spelled out explicitly
in 2 Kings, the existence of two rival kingdoms in the north is shown by several passages in Isaiah and
Hosea in which Ephraim (Menahem and Pekahiah) and Israel (Pekah’s dominion) are treated as distinct
entities. A grammatical analysis of these passages is found in Francis I. Anderson and David Noel
Freedman, Hosea: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, Anchor Bible, Doubleday, NY,
London, etc., 1980, 390–393, along with a reconstruction of the political events on pp. 36 and 37. See also
Thiele, Mysterious Numbers 129–30; H. J. Cook, “Pekah” VT 14 (1964) 121–35. In my own writings I have
added the further grammatical argument that the double-waw in Hosea 5:5, signifying ‘both . . . and’ in
Hebrew syntax, is correctly translated “Both Israel and Ephraim” in the HCSB but incorrectly as “Israel,
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coregency that we have mentioned was introduced into the chronology in order to
increase the years of Pekah and so cut back from 12 years the reign of Hoshea and the
end of the kingdom of Israel. But the existing text (2 Kgs 15:27) attributes to Pekah a
reign of (8 + 12 =) 20 years instead of (6 + 12 =) 18! Two suppositions are possible,
either the forger read 8 instead of 6, or 18 was changed later to 20. The latter hypothesis
is the more probable. There are numerous variants: 18, 8, 28, and 20 years. The three last
can come from the first.
Pekah’s death (2 Kgs 15:30: the 20th year of Jotham) is dated to the fourth and last
year of Jotham. Perhaps the original text indicated the (20 – 12 =) 8th year. In this case
the sacred author would have expressed in this manner that Jotham was associated on the
throne of his father for four years, this coregency would be indicated in the Bible: 2 Kgs
15:5, and the forger would have changed the 8 in (8 + 12 =) 20.
4. Chronology of Hoshea. — The length of his reign (9 years, 2 Kgs 17:1) is exact. He
mounted the throne in the 4th and last year of Jotham, during the resh sharruti of Ahaz, a
little after the first of Thoth or Nisan, 731 BC. His reign is by accession reckoning. The
death of Ahaz and the accession of Hezekiah are dated to his 3rd year, the beginning of
the siege of Samaria to his 7th year, which was the 4th of Hezekiah, and the capture of
the city to his 9th and last year, which was the 6th of Hezekiah, January–March 721 (2
Kgs 18:1, 9–16).
The beginning of the siege of Samaria is dated to the winter of 724–723. It lasted 2
years.
We recall from the solution of the first part of the chronological difficulties of 2 Kgs
15–16 that the last year of Uzziah is dated from Tishri of 736,
[1262]
and the last year of Menahem is dated from the first of Nisan or Thoth, 738, since Pekah
reigned 6 years by non-accession reckoning (736–731) and that Pekahiah reigned 2 years
by accession reckoning (737–736).
5. Chronology of Amaziah and Uzziah. — The last year of Uzziah is dated from the
autumn of 736. On one hand, Shalmaneser III relates that in the 14th year of his reign
(846), he went to war against Bir-idri (Benhadad) of Damascus. Hazael, the successor to
Bir-idri, had not yet mounted the throne. However Ahaziah of Judah undertook an
expedition against Hazael (2 Kgs 8:28). Athaliah, who succeeded Ahaziah, did not reign
therefore before the last months of the year 846.
As a result, we must count from the 1st year of Athaliah to the last year of Uzziah a
maximum (846 – 736 =) 110 years. However, Athaliah reigned at least 6 years (2 Kgs
11:1–4), Jehoash 40 (2 Kgs 12:1), of which two years were as coregent with his son,
Amaziah 29 (2 Kgs 12:2), and Uzziah 52 years (2 Kgs 15:2).
Even if these reigns were by non-accession reckoning, we would obtain 6+39+29+52
– 4 = 122 years, instead of 110. Consequently it is necessary to reduce by 12 years the
reign of one of the three last kings. This conclusion results from the examination of the
chronology of Judah.
even Ephraim” or its equivalent in other English translations. See Young, “When Was Samaria Captured?
JETS 47 (2004), p. 581 n. 11; idem “Tables of Reign Lengths from the Hebrew Court Recorders,” JETS 48
(2005), p. 229.
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As for the chronology of Israel, the Bible places at the death of Jeroboam II an
interregnum that lasted precisely 12 years; Jeroboam took the throne in the 15th year of
Amaziah (2 Kgs 14:23). If he began his 2nd year in the month of Nisan of this 15th year,
he would enter into his 16th year during the 29th year of Amaziah, the first of Uzziah;
and in the 41st and last year would be in the 26th of Uzziah. However, according to the
existing text of the Bible, Zechariah would have succeeded Jeroboam in the 38th year of
Uzziah (2 Kgs 15:8), after an interregnum of 12 years!
This interregnum did not exist. This is proven by the chronology of the kings of Israel.
Jehu mounted the throne
[1263]
a few weeks before Athaliah (2 Kgs 9:27; 11:1), therefore, at the most, toward the end of
846. Zechariah began to reign in 749, 11 years (2 Kgs 15:8–17) before the death of
Menahem (738).
Between the accession of Jehu and that of Zechariah, there were therefore at most
(846 – 749 =) 97 years. Between these two dates, we must place 28 years of Jehu (2 Kgs
10:36), 17 of Jehoahaz (2 Kgs 12:1), of which 2 were as coregent, 16 of Joash (2 Kgs
13:10), 41 of Jeroboam and an interregnum of 12 years, making in total (and taking into
account the coregency and the method of non-accession reckoning) 28 + 16 + 16 + 41 – 4
+ 12 = 109 years, instead of 97. There is no doubt: it is necessary to do away with the
interregnum.
Consequently, the synchronism, 2 Kgs 15:1, instead of reporting the accession of
Uzziah to the 27th year of Jeroboam, should date it to the 15th year; we thus eliminate
this interregnum. As a result, we must change in the same proportion the synchronisms of
the accession of Zechariah and his four successors; we find therefore that Uzziah reigned
40 years (52 – 12). We could also assume that Amaziah only reigned 17 years. In this
case it would be necessary to reject the authenticity of 2 Kgs 14:17, and to date the
accession (2 Kgs 15:1) of Uzziah to the 3rd or 4th year of Jeroboam. It cannot be a
question of a coregency (2 Kgs 14:19–21).31
Conclusion: The second period of the schism has been increased by 24 years. The date
of the destruction of Samaria is put back the same number of years. An interregnum of 12
years at the death of Jeroboam II has been introduced, and the reign of Pekah has been
prolonged by 12 years. As a result the length of the reigns of the kings of Judah have
been stretched and the synchronisms have been changed in the same ratio.
V. CHRONOLOGY OF THE KINGS OF JUDAH AFTER THE FALL OF SAMARIA. — From the
fall of Samaria until the destruction of Jerusalem, the last period of the history of the
kings, Judah remained faithful to the method of accession reckoning and an autumnal
New Year.
A. The accession method. — A characteristic of the accession method is to use of the
resh sharruti. Thus, Jeremiah (26:1; 27:1; 40:34 [sic–should be 49:34]) dates some acts
to the beginning of the reign of Jehoiakim and Zedekiah. This expression seems to be the
literal translation of the technical Assyrian term resh sharruti (Der Katholik, 1906, vol. 2,
p. 31).
31 Thiele has a coregency shared by Uzziah and Amaziah. The coregency is suggested by the capture of
Amaziah by Joash of Israel, at which time the people of the land (2 Kgs 14:21) placed Uzziah, 16 years old,
on the throne as coregent.
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It could be objected that Jeremiah (28:1) writes: “He arrived at the beginning of the
reign of Zedekiah, the fourth year, the fifth month . . .”, which would seem to indicate
that this Hebrew expression does not have the characteristic meaning of the Assyrian
term. But the Greek version does not have this expression, which seems to have been
taken from Jer. 27:1.32
A vision of Ezekiel is dated to the 25th year of our captivity, a New Year’s Day, the
tenth day of the month, 14 years after the ruin of the city (Ezek. 40:1). The capture of
Jerusalem being dated to the 11th year of the captivity (Ezek 26:1),33 according to the
usage of non-accession reckoning, the 25th year of the captivity is not the 14th but the
15th since the ruin of the city. Ezekiel is therefore using accession reckoning, since he
dates the destruction of Jerusalem from the 14th year.34
We have remarked that Jeremiah and the author of 2 Kings were following the same
system: the dates of the siege of Jerusalem and the destruction of this city show that these
authors were dating as Ezekiel did (Ezek 24:1–2; 26:1; Jer. 39:1–2; 52:4–12; 2 Kgs 25:1–
8).
The sum of the years of reign from the fall of Samaria provides a third proof in favor
of the use of accession reckoning.
Two preliminary remarks: The reign of Jehoahaz (2 Kgs 23:31) and Jehoiachin (2 Kgs
24:8)
[col. 1264]
lasted three months. According to accession reckoning, no New Year occurred in these
reigns, since no whole year is dated according to them. On the other hand, it is necessary
to date a New Year from the vacancy of the throne that preceded or which followed the
reign of Jehoahaz. A calculation from Jeremiah proves this: “In the 4th year of
Jehoiakim, son of Josiah, Jeremiah addressed the people in this way: Since the 13th year
of Josiah son of Amon, king of Judah, until this day, these 23 years that the word of the
Lord came to me . . .” (Jer 25:1–3). This calculation is exact if we date a New Year from
the vacancy of the throne that precedes or that follows the reign of Jehoahaz. In this sole
32 Nahum Sarna says “the fourth year” refers to the fourth year of a Sabbatical cycle, which, according to
my chronology of Sabbatical years, it was. See Nahum Sarna, “Zedekiah’s Emancipation of Slaves and the
Sabbatical Year,” in Orient and Occident: Essays Presented to Cyrus H. Gordon on the Occasion of His
Sixty-fifth Birthday,” ed. Harry A. Hoffner Jr. (Neukirchen: Butzon & Bercker Kevelaer, 1973) p. 149.
33 The verse (Ezek. 26:1) does not name the month, but it was almost certainly the sixth month (Elul, 587
BC), after the destruction of the city by Nebuzaradan’s troops in the fifth month (Jer. 52:2). If the vision
was in the seventh month but still in the 11th year of captivity, then the year would be 598t – 10 = 588t; the
seventh month of 588t was Tishri (Sept/Oct) 588 BC, six months before the city fell in the summer of 587
BC. Similar reasoning eliminates all but the sixth month from consideration (the fifth month was the month
of the destruction, and months one through four of the 11th year preceded the destruction).
34Coucke is not careful here with the wording. It was 14 years after the city fell that Ezekiel had his vision.
In the Hebrew language, the word “after” (ahar) implies accession reckoning, because a full 14 years had
passed, just as implied by “after” in English. At the same time, when Ezekiel says it was also in “the 25th
year of our captivity,” the language of that phrase necessarily denotes non-accession reckoning. When
Jehoiachin and Ezekiel were taken captive in Adar of 597 BC, this year, 598t by the Judean calendar, was
“year one” of their captivity. The 25th year would then be 24 years later in 574t. The city fell in the
summer of 587 BC, i.e. in the Judean year 588t; 14 years after (ahar) was again 574t. The year 574t is
marked in Ezek 40:1 as unusual in one respect: Ezekiel says it was New Year’s Day (Rosh HaShanah) on
the tenth of the month. Only in a Jubilee year was Rosh HaShanah observed on the tenth of Tishri (Lev.
25:9, 10). See R. C. Young, “Ezekiel 40:1 As a Corrective for Seven Wrong Ideas in Biblical
Interpretation,” AUSS 44:2 (2006), pp. 265–283.
USB3:\Current Web page\articles\Coucke translation 18 11/12/2022
hypothesis we can calculate 23 years from the 13th year of Josiah until the fourth year of
Jehoiakim.
Here now is the third argument in favor of the accession method of reckoning:
According to the Bible, the fall of Samaria is dated in the 6th Year of Hezekiah (2 Kgs
18:10), and the captivity of Jehoiachin ended in the 37th year (the 27th day of the 12th
month: 2 Kgs 25:27). If the years of reign are by accession reckoning, 160 years elapsed
between these two events. In fact, it is necessary to compute in this interval:
Hezekiah, who reigned 29 years (2 Kgs 18:8); from his 6th year: 23 years
Manasseh, 55 years ( 2 Kgs 21:1): 55 years
Amon, 2 years (2 Kgs 21:9): 2 years
Josiah, 31 years (2 Kgs 22:1): 31 years
Jehoahaz, 3 months 0 years
A New Year is dated to the vacancy of the throne that
preceded or followed the reign of Jehoahaz: 1 year
Jehoiakim, who reigned 11 years (2 Kgs 23:36): 11 years
Jehoiachin, who reigned three months (2 Kgs 24:8): 0 years
The captivity of Jehoiachin lasted 37 years (2 Kgs 25:27): 37 years35
Total: 160 years
If the non-accession method had been in force during this epoch, it would be
necessary to increase this total of 160 by 2 units, since because of the vacancy of the
throne, which is discussed above it would be necessary to compute two years instead of
only one, and it would be necessary to count 24 years under Hezekiah; then, according to
the rules given above, it would be necessary to reduce the total (162) by 7 units; we
would then obtain 162 – 7 = 155 years.
But, according to the Assyrian documents, only 160 years can be computed:
The destruction of Samaria dates from the resh sharruti of Sargon who began the 12th
of Tebeth, December 20th, 722 or January 18 of 721, and finished the 2nd or 3rd of April
in the next year (Kugler, op. cit., p. 181).
The captivity of Jehoiachin ended the 25th (Jer. 52:31) or the 27th of the 12th month
(2 Kgs 25:27), in the accession year of Evil-Merodach. Now the first year of Evil-
Merodach, according to Ptolemy’s Canon, is dated to the first of Nisan, 561 BC. The
liberation of Jehoiachin dates then from the 31st of March or the 2nd of April, 561 BC
(Kugler, op. cit., 189).
Therefore there are, according to the above-mentioned Assyrian documents, a little
more exactly (721 – 561 =) 160 years between the two events. This is the proof that the
35 The captivity of Jehoiachin lasted not 37 years, but 35 years plus part of a 36th year. His first year of
captivity was 598t, his last 562t. “Years of captivity” are always to be measured in a non-accession sense. It
is only for years of reign that the first partial year was sometimes counted as “year 0” instead of as the first
year. The sum of years then should be 159. This is measured from the 6th year of Hezekiah, the year in
which Samaria fell, i.e. 722t in Coucke’s system. 159 years later will be 722 – 159 = 563t. This is one year
too early for the release of Jehoaichin from prison.
The proper calculation starts from the fall of Samaria in 723n/723t, which was 724t for calculation
purposes. Hezekiah reigned 37 years more (724t to 687t); his 29 years are measured from the beginning of
his sole reign in 716t, not from 728t as Coucke has it. Then 44 years for the sole reign of Manasseh, 2 years
for Amon, 31 years for Josiah, one year because the reign of Jehoahaz crossed the Tishri boundary, 11
years for Jehoiakim, and then the 36 years until the 37th year of the captivity of Jehoiachin. The total is (37
+ 44 + 2 + 31 + 1 + 11 + 36) = 162 years, from 724t to 562t.
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years of reign of the kings of Judah after the fall of Samaria were by accession
reckoning.36
B. The autumnal New Year. — Here are some indications in favor of an autumnal
New Year: It seems that the book of the Law of Yahweh, about which there is a question,
2 Chron 34:8 ff. and 2 Kgs 22:3 ff., was found before the month of Nisan in the 18th year
of Josiah. Different codices date these acts from the 7th or 8th month. However, the
Passover which followed was celebrated in the same 18th year (2 Kgs 23:23; 2 Chron
[col. 1265]
34:19). This year therefore began in the month of Tisrhi.
Baruch wrote (Jer. 36:1–4) the prophecies of Jeremiah in the 4th year of Jehoiakim.
On this occasion, he was ordered to read them before the people on a day of fasting.
Jeremiah meant to designate a known date (Jer. 36:6). Therefore Baruch read these words
in the 9th month of the 5th year of Jehoiakim. The text by no means is intended to
suggest that this pertains to a second reading. On the contrary everything seems to
indicate that the day of the fast of the ninth month was the day designated by Jeremiah
(Jer 36:9–10). How are we to assume that this special fast was fixed more than 9 months
in advance: the difficulty disappears if the year finished when the 7th month came.
In the 12th year of the captivity of Jehoiachin, the 10th month, a fugitive brought the
news of the fall of Jerusalem (Ezek 33:21). Everything seems to indicate that we are in
the presence of a historic event (Ezek 33:22; 25:26–27 [?]). However, as we have said
above, the first year of the captivity corresponds to the first year of Zedekiah. As a result,
according to Ezekiel, as for the author of the Books of Kings, Jerusalem was plundered in
the 11th year, the 5th month (2 Kgs 25:8). If this is so, how can we assume that the
community of the exiles learned of the capture of Jerusalem only 16 or 17 months after
the event? This consideration persuaded some critics to follow here the Syriac version
and the text of some Hebrew manuscripts that dated this news to the 11th year of
captivity. In fact, nothing requires us to depart from the most ancient and most
authoritative manuscript tradition: the 12th year began in the 7th month, and Ezekiel
received the news 5 months after the event.
Some authors find a confirmation of this thesis in another passage of the same book.
The prophet (Ezek 40:1) here describes the new Jerusalem at the beginning of the year,
the 10th of the month, which especially brings to mind the 10th day of the seventh month,
which in the terminology of Leviticus, is the great Day of Atonement (Lev. 23:26–32),
and in our opinion, the beginning of the civil year (cf. Wellhausen, Prolegomena zur
Geschicthe Israels, Berlin, 1899, p. 108; Eerdmans, De groote verzoendag, in the
Theologische Tydschrift, 1904, bl. 17). Kugler, op. cit. p. 194, maintains that this refers
her to the resh shatti, the Babylonian New Year, celebrated from the 8th to the 11th of
Nisan, especially on the10th.
We can at present examine the chronological difficulties of the reigns of Hezekiah and
Zedekiah.
C. Chronology of Hezekiah. — Against the authenticity of the present chronology of
Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:1–2, 9–10), we could emphasize the following considerations:
36 Yes they were, except for Zedekiah. Also there was a coregency between Hezekiah and Manasseh.
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2 Chron. 29–30 deals with the first year of Hezekiah. This king wrote some letters to
Ephraim and Manasseh and sent couriers throughout all Israel and Judah. According to
his command they said: “People of Israel: return to Yahweh, the God of Abraham, Isaac,
and Israel and he will return to you who are left, who have escaped from the hand of the
kings of Assyria” (2 Chr 30:6). “If you return to Yahweh, your brothers and your children
will find compassion before their captors and God will not turn his face from you, if you
return to Him” (2 Chr 30:9).
From this text, we deduce that the first year of Hezekiah fell after the destruction of
Samaria: his action seems to indicate that there no longer was a king in Israel, the
conquering Assyrian having taken away the mass of the people into exile, and there only
remained a remnant who escaped.
Here is a second argument against the existing chronology for Hezekiah. In 701
Sennacherib besieged Jerusalem and forced Hezekiah (Ha-za-ki-a-u ja-u-da-ai) to pay
him tribute. According to the Bible (2 Kgs 18:13)
[col. 1266]
this event dates to the 14th year of Hezekiah. If this is so, the first year of this king dates
to the autumn of 715, several years after the fall of Samaria.37
M. Van Hoonacker (Mélanges d’histoire offerts à Ch. Moeller, Vol. 1, p. 7,
Louvain 1914) answers this argument:
“The origin of this chronological notice of 2 Kgs 18:13 is explained perfectly as
being the result of an artificial combination of two ideas in which the report is
perverted by an inversion of the texts. The narrative (2 Kgs 18:13; 18:17–19) is a
composition of the prophetic type that is found in Isaiah, chapters 36–37. In the book
of Kings as here in Isaiah, this narrative followed immediately by a piece of the
same genre and from the same source, where the sickness of Hezekiah is related (2
Kgs 20; Isaiah 36–39). It is noted here that at the time of his sickness, Hezekiah
received from the mouth of Isaiah the promise that his life would be prolonged by 15
years (2 Kgs 20:6; Isaiah 38:5). In comparing this account with that of 2 Kgs 18:2,
we see that Hezekiah at the time of his illness had come to the 14th year of his reign
. . . Consequently, however the fact of the illness was perceived [? Par voie de
consequence, comme le fait de la maladie était censé], according to the arrangement
of the texts, as being produced immediately after the Assyrian invasion, it was
doubtless assigned, by means of a modification provided to the text, to the 14th year.
In fact the account of the illness shows many pointers that oblige us to put it back
chronologically before the Assyrian invasion.”
The author then gives three proofs of this last assertion.
Without doubt, one could respond that this inversion of texts could produce two
different combinations: With the supposition that the passage 2 Kgs 18:1–2, 9–10 is
authentic and that the text 2 Kgs 18:13 is not, we arrive at the conclusion of M. Van
Hoonacker; but, with the contrary hypothesis, the inversion produces a totally different
revision. The forger, knowing that Sennacherib’s expedition took place in the 14th year
37 Coucke’s problems throughout this section are resolved when we realize that Hezekiah became coregent
with his father Ahaz in 729t/728n, and then Ahaz died in 716t/715n. By establishing a coregency with his
son, Ahaz was following the usual practice of the kings of Judah. To not establish a coregency would show
a marked lack of political wisdom.
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of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:13) would have believed, wrongly, that the illness followed 15
years of reign (2 Kgs 20:6; Isaiah 38:5), coming after the campaign of the conquering
Assyrian, and would have concluded from these considerations that the king of Judah
reigned (14 + 15 =) 29 years (1 Kgs 18:2). He would have changed 17 into 29, making an
error of 12 years. Since these numbers have a similar appearance in Hebrew, both in
hearing and visually, it would be believed quite naturally [to be] a copyist’s error.
Be that as it may, it has been established that we can explain the origin of the
present chronological data of 2 Kgs 18:13. We have moreover several arguments which
seem to prove the authenticity of the synchronisms of 2 Kgs 18:1, 9–10, and of the
present number of the years of Hezekiah. They are:
In the year of the death of king Ahaz, this oracle was proclaimed: “Do not rejoice,
all you Philistines, that the rod that struck you is broken; from the root of that snake will
spring up a viper, its fruit will be a flying, venomous serpent . . . Wail, o gate! Howl, o
city! . . . For a cloud of smoke comes from the north, and there is not a straggler in its
ranks.” (Isaiah 14:28-29 [14:29, 31]). Some think that the rod that smote the Philistines,
and the serpent from which came the flying serpent, is Ahaz. We know that his successor
fought the Philistines as far as Gaza and ravaged their territory, from the Tower of the
Gardens to fortified cities (2 Kgs 18:8). M. Van Hoonacker, (op. cit. p. 7) maintains that
it is the death of Tiglath-Pileser that is alluded to here. We can ask why the death of Ahaz
could be such a great subject of joy for the Philistines.
[col. 1267]
This king, instead of being a rod that beat them, was on the contrary someone who
suffered from them (2 Chron 18:18 [28:18]). It was Tiglath-Pileser who fought them in
734, during the campaign ana Pilishta and probably also in 733–732, during the
campaign ana Dimashqa. It is true that the king of Judah had appealed to the conquering
Assyrian, but the Assyrian treated him with harshness and did not strengthen him (2
Chron 18:20–21 [28:20–21]). As for the flying dragon that will cause the bad future, the
prophet seems to see him already in a vision: he comes from the north with a strong
army: this is the king of Assyria.
We think that the rod that Isaiah is talking about is Tiglath-Pileser. The Philistines
had learned that the forces of this king are broken and his end is near. They rejoice in
this. Shalmaneser V succeeded Tiglath-Pileser on the 25th of Tebeth (January 726), three
months after the last year of Ahaz. This explains to us why the prophet dated the year by
the death of Ahaz [Is 14:20]. If the manifestations of joy had broken out in Philistia on
the occasion of the death of the Assyrian monarch, it would have been natural to date the
prophecy in the year of the death of Tiglath-Pileser.38
Here is a second argument: If we add the years (by accession reckoning) of the
successors of Hezekiah until the last year of Zedekiah (588), we find that the first year of
Manasseh began in Tishri 698, a date which is in perfect harmony with the actual number
(29) of years of Hezekiah, and with the synchronism of his accession (3rd year of
Hoshea) and his 6th year (capture of Samaria, 9th year of Hoshea):
38 Coucke’s argument hinges on his contention that Tiglath-Pileser and Ahaz died in the same year, and so
we can choose which death would be the best candidate for causing the Philistines to rejoice. However,
Thiele’s chronology has Ahaz dying in 716/15 BC, a date that fits all the Biblical evidence without
requiring any emendation of the text.
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Manasseh reigned 55 yrs (2 Kgs 21:1) 698–644
Amon “ 2 yrs (2 Kgs 21:9 [21:19]) 643–642
Josiah 31 yrs (2 Kgs 22:1) 641–611
Jehoahaz 3 months (2 Kgs 23:31) . . . . . .
A new year (610) must be computed during the vacancy on the throne that
preceded or followed the reign of Jehoahaz. 610
Jehoaikim 11 yrs (2 Kgs 23:36) 609–599
Jehoiachin 3 months (2 Kgs 24:8) . . . . . .
Zedekiah 11 yrs (2 Kgs 24:18) 598–588
If the number (29) for the years of Hezekiah is authentic, his first year is dated
from Tishri of 727. As a result, his resh sharruti could have begun after Tishri of 728 and
before Nisan of 727, during the 3rd year of Hoshea,, which finished on the first of Nisan
or Thoth 727, and the capture of Samaria, January–March 721 in the ninth year of
Hoshea, dates from his 6th year (t. 722–t. 721). We will recall that the investigation of
the chronology of Hezekiah’s predecessors produced the same result.
Finally, M. Van Hoonacker (Les douze petits prophètes, Paris, 1908, pp. 340–
341) has shown that the three first chapters of Micah were part of the same discourse that
dates from before the fall of Samaria. The city was perhaps already under siege.
However, the last words of chapter 3: “Because of you, Zion will become a plowed field,
Jerusalem a pile of stones, and the mountain of the temple a timbered height!” were
pronounced, according to Jeremiah 26:18, in the time of Hezekiah. Consequently,
Samaria was not destroyed before the accession of this king, as is supposed by those who
reject the authenticity of the synchronisms of 2 Kgs 18:1, 9–10.39
Conclusion: We believe that the existing chronology of Hezekiah is authentic. We
are however not willing to affirm that the contrary opinion has no possibility of being
true. Here is how we could reconstruct the chronology under this hypothesis:
The forger of whom we spoke above, having put back by 12 years the accession
of Hoshea (from the resh sharruti to the 12th year of Ahaz) increased in the same
proportion the length of the reigns of Jotham and
[col. 1268]
Pekah. The number (16) of the years of Ahaz would be authentic. The beginning of the
siege and the capture of Samaria would be dated from his 8th and 10th years, 7th and 9th
of Hoshea. In putting back by 12 years the accession of the last king of Israel, the forger
had to put back by the same number of years the dates of the siege and capture of
Samaria: from the 8th and 10th years of Ahaz, to the 4th and 6th years of Hezekiah.
Hezekiah then would have begun to reign after Tishri of 716, his first year dating from
the autumn of 715. He would have reigned (29 – 12 =) 17 years. The synchronism, 2 Kgs
18:13, would be authentic.
Riessler (Zur chronologie des Alten Test., in the Theol. Quartalschrift, 1923, p. 1
ff.) maintains that the fall of Samaria does not date to the year 721. This city would have
been taken according to the Assyrian documents around the year 708. Likewise these
documents would not say that Pekah died in 732. If this thesis is confirmed, we should
39 This is a good point I don’t recall seeing before. It is one further evidence that Hezekiah had a coregency
with his father Ahaz from 729t/728n to 716t/715n. Hezekiah’s reign of 29 years, as measured from the
death of Ahaz, ended in 687t.
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not reject the coregencies of Jotham and Ahaz. In contrast, Hezekiah would only have
reigned only 17 (29 – 12) years, and the expedition of Sennacherib would be dated to the
14th year of the king of Judah. In this case, a corrector, knowing that Sennacherib’s
expedition fell in the 14th year of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:13) would have believed,
mistakenly, that his illness that was followed by 15 years of reign (2 Kgs 20:6; Isa 38:5)
happened after the campaign of the Assyrian monarch, and would have deduced from
these considerations that the king of Judah reigned (14 + 15 =) 29 years. He would have
changed 17 into 29, committing an error of 12 years. As a consequence, the first year of
Hezekiah would be dated to the autumn of 715, and the capture of Samaria, in the 6th
year of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:10) to 709. Jotham would have reigned from 736 to 720,
Ahaz from 732 to 716, Hezekiah from 716 to 699, Pekah from 736 to 719, and Hoshea
from 719 to 710.
D. Chronology of Zedekiah. — The chronology of Zedekiah likewise presents some
difficult questions. We saw above that Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the 2nd book of Kings
follow the same calendar: the dates of the beginning of the siege of Jerusalem and of the
fall of the city are the proof of this. The years were by accession reckoning and began
around the autumnal equinox. However the 12th month of the 37th year of the captivity
of Jehoiachin is dated from the resh sharruti of Evil-Merodach (2 Kgs 25:27), the 43rd
year of Nebuchadnezzar (Nisan 562–Nisan 561). Hence the 37th year of this captivity
began around the autumnal equinox of 562 BC; the first year, which is also the first year
of Zedekiah, in the autumn of 598,40 which was the 7th year of Nebuchadnezzar. The
deportation of Jehoiachin and the accession of Zedekiah date to the preceding spring (2
Chron 36:10), from the first days of the 7th year of the king of Babylon (Jer 52:28).41
The siege of Jerusalem (2 Kgs 25:1; Ezek. 24:1; Jer. 39:1) began in the 15th year of
Nebuchadnezzar, on the tenth day of the 10th month of the 9th year of Zedekiah (January
589);42 this 9th year began around the time of the autumnal equinox, 590 BC. The city
was taken on the ninth day of the 4th month of the 11th year (t. 588) of Zedekiah (2 Kgs
25:1–3; Jer. 39:2; 52:6–7), in the month of June 587, the 18th year (Jer. 52:29) of
Nebuchadnezzar, after a siege of two and one-half years.
Except for the synchronisms of Jer. 52:28–29 (which are missing in the Greek and
which correspond entirely to the data of Babylonian documents), all the other
40 Coucke’s error here is that he has 598t as the first year of Zedekiah, when he should have calculated it as
his accession year, i.e. the year he came to the throne. In the following pages he calculates, correctly, that
the fall of Jerusalem was in 588t, which means that the 11 years given to Zedekiah (2 Kgs. 24:18, 2 Chr.
36:11, Jer. Jer. 52:5–9) are measured by non-accession reckoning: it was only 10 full years from 598t to
588t. All texts in 2 Kgs., 2 Chr., Jer., and Ezek. are consistent with this non-accession reckoning for
Zedekiah. Zedekiah was put on the throne at the same time as Jehoiachin became a captive, in 598t. This
was the first year of Jehoiachin’s captivity and also the first year of Zedekiah. There was no preceding
“accession year” for either the captivity or Zedekiah’s reign. See the chart in col. 1264, where Coucke
improperly assigns 37 full years for the captivity, instead of 36. Coucke has Zedekiah starting to reign in
Nisan of 598 BC; the correct date, as shown from the Babylonian Chronicle published in 1956, is Adar of
597.
41 Jer. 52:28 is a count of captives taken by the Babylonians. Captives do not count; they get counted. This
record therefore must have come from a Babylonian source, not a Judean source. As such it would have
used Babylon’s Nisan years and accession reckoning, for which Nebuchadnezzar’s 7th year was (605n – 7)
= 598n. In Adar of that year (16 March 597 BC), he captured Jerusalem and Jehoiachin.
42 This date is correct; see Andrew E. Steinmann, From Abraham to Paul: A Biblical Chronology (St.
Louis: Concordia, 2011), p. 169. The siege ended in July 587, 31 months later (Coucke has June 587).
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synchronisms establish the first year of Nebuchadnezzar as [the year beginning] the first
of Nisan, 605 BC.
Josephus (Contra Apionem I)43 quotes the words of the historian Berossus, who
informs us that Nabopolassar, Nebuchadnezzar’s father, unable to endure the hardships of
war, put his son at the head of a part of his armies and sent him
[col. 1269]
against king Necho. It is also explained that his father had associated him on the throne
one year before his death. The Jews took into account this coregency in the calculation of
the years of Nebuchanezzar, but the Babylonians did not.44 The synchronisms of Jer.
52:28–29 are the only ones which conform to the official chronology. These are the last
of the book of Jeremiah. They were added when the official numbers from the annals of
Nebuchadnezzar were already known.45
IV. From the Babylonian captivity until the birth of Christ (see table on following
page [table not given in this translation]). — I. THE CHRONOLOGY OF NEHEMIAH AND
EZRA. — The chronological difficulties of this period primarily come down to the
solution of two problems: It is necessary to determine the relation that exists first between
Zerubbabel and Sheshbazzar, and second, between Nehemiah and Ezra.
A. Zerubbabel and Sheshbazzar are the same person. — It has been claimed that
Zerubbabel arrived at Jerusalem in the reign of Darius I or II, several years after
Sheshbazzar, who rebuilt the temple in the reign of Cyrus. This opinion is contrary to the
text of the Bible (Ezra chs. 1–4:5).
Not only were Zerubbabel and Sheshbazzar contemporary, but they were the same
person.46
Zerubbabel is a prince of Judah, son of Shealtiel, son of Jehoiachin, king of Judah
(Ezra 3:2, 5:2, Neh. 12:1). Sheshbazzar is also a prince of Judah (Ezra 1:8).
Zerubbabel bore the title of pekhah (Haggai 1:1), a title that Sheshbazzar received
from King Cyrus (Ezra 5:14).
43 Coucke does not give the chapter. He seems to be referring to 1:19, which has the phrase that
Nabopolassar, not being able to endure the hardships any further, put his son Nebuchadnezzar over the
army and sent him against Egypt. But there is nothing in this chapter about a coregency.
44 There is no need to consider a coregency in Jewish reckonings of his reign. The problem is resolved by
realizing that Zedekiah’s reign is counted by non-accession years in 2 Kgs, 2 Chronicles, and Jeremiah. See
Rodger C. Young, When Did Jerusalem Fall?JETS 47 (2004), pp. 21–38. See also my notes above about
Coucke’s error in his attempted demonstration that all of the last kings of Judah used accession reckoning.
45 This is similar to what I pointed out in “When Did Jerusalem Fall?” These verses, relating the number of
captives, must have come from a Babylonian original, on the principle that captives don’t count, they get
counted.
46 Andrew Steinmann, “A Chronological Note: The Return of the Exiles under Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel
(Ezra 1–2),” JETS 51 (2008), p. 516: “Medieval rabbis simply equated Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel,
claiming that these were two names for the same person, but this view has few, if any, more recent
advocates.” Steinmann names Judah Slotki as one such advocate in the last century. To this we should now
add Coucke. Steinmann’s own view, as expressed in his article, is that Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel came to
Jerusalem at the same time; Sheshbazzar was the governor at first, but he was old, and his position was
taken over by Zerubbabel. Sheshbazzar began the laying of the foundation of the Temple, and Zerubbabel
continued this work (so Steinmann). Coucke, however, makes a good case for their identity.
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Zerubbabel is at the head of the caravan of immigrants and chief of those taken
into exile (Ezra 2:1, 63 ff., 3:2 ff., 4:2 ff.). Sheshbazzar is the chief of the
immigrants (Ezra 1:5 ff.).
Zerubbabel laid the foundation of the temple (Ezra 3; Zech. 4:9), as did
Sheshbazzar (Ezra 5:16).
B. The sequence Nehemiah – Ezra. — Chapters 7–10 of Ezra, which speak of the
expedition of Ezra, are placed within the canon of the Old Testament before the book of
Nehemiah. Those authors who consider the arrangement to be chronological support the
sequence Ezra-Nehemiah. They date the expedition of Ezra from the seventh year (Ezra
7:1 ff.) of the reign of Artaxerxes I, that is, in the year 458 BC. Nehemiah’s mission, in
the 20th year of Artaxerxes (Neh. 2:1 ff.) is assigned to the reign of Artaxerxes I (to the
year 445 BC) or II (to the year 385 BC).
However more than one textual dislocation is confirmed in the books of Ezra and
Nehemiah. Many arguments favor the sequence Nehemiah-Ezra, and the circumstance
that Ezra Chapters 7–10 deal with the seventh year, and Nehemiah the 20th year of
Artaxerxes, can be explained by a dislocation of the sacred text. Hence, a second group of
authors place the expedition of Nehemiah, which took place in the 20th year of
Artaxerxes, in the reign of Artaxerxes I (in 445) or II (in 385); that of Ezra, in the seventh
year of Artaxeres, under Artaxerxes II (in 398) or III (in 352).
We believe it is necessary to assume that Nehemiah’s mission was first. This is
recommended by various considerations that M. Van Hoonacker reviews in the Rev.
bibliq., 1924, p. 44 ff.:47
1. Ezra and his companions are not listed in the number of Jews repatriated before
Nehemiah (Neh. 7).48 When Nehemiah arrived and during the rebuilding of the
walls, he is not seen (Neh chs. 1–6).
2. He is present in the great assembly presided over by Nehemiah, and the occasion
of the dedication of the walls organized by Nehemiah (Neh. 8; 12:27 ff.). At this
time he is not yet the great man, but is at the beginning of his career. He is
moreover a contemporary of Jehohanan, the grandson [sic49] of Eliashib (Ezra
10:6), who was high priest in the time of Nehemiah. Furthermore, [col. 1270] we
understand that Ezra is named after Nehemiah (Neh. 12:26).
3. In the 20th year of Artaxerxes the temple was rebuilt, but the walls of the city
were still in ruins; there are few inhabitants and the houses were not yet rebuilt
(Neh. 2, 7:4). This is the situation left by Zerubbabel. In the time of Ezra, the city
is fortified and populated (Ezra 7–10).
4. In the 20th year of Artaxerxes, as in the time of Zerubbabel, some foreigners
attempted to intrude in the public affairs. In the time of Ezra, all trace of these
pretensions has disappeared (Ezra 7–10).
47 See the extensive refutation of von Hoonacker’s thesis in Steinmann, From Abraham to Paul, pp. 198–
205, and Steinmann, Ezra-Nehemiah in the Concordia Commentary Series (St. Louis: Concordia: 2010),
pp. 40–46. On p. 46 of the commentary, Steinmann says that because of the many reasons he has
elucidated, the van Hoonacker theory “has largely fallen out of favor among scholars.”
48 But the census in Neh. 7 is of those who returned with Zerubbabel in 533 BC, which was long before the
time of Ezra.
49 Jehohanan was the son, not grandson, of Eliashib. Coucke may be confusing Jehohanan with Jonathan,
the grandson of Eliashib as listed in Neh. 12:10,11.
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5. Nehemiah (10:33 ff.) had to once again institute the revenues needed for the
religious service. In the time of Ezra (ch. 7), the satraps obtained the glorifying of
the house of God. A commission established by Nehemiah existed when Ezra
arrived (Neh. 13:10; Ezra 8:33). The Talmud affirms that Ezra stripped the
Levites of the right to participate in the receipt of tithes. Under Nehemiah the
right of the Levites was again recognized, although there were other injustices.
6. In the 20th year of Artaxerxes, mixed marriages were tolerated: Nehemiah spoke
of them in a tone that does not allow us to think that they were considered as
positively forbidden (6:17–19). Later, the community promised to prohibit them
in the future (10:30). After Nehemiah left the promise was broken. On his return,
Nehemiah dealt rigorously with the guilty ones (13:23–29). Finally, when Ezra
returned to Jerusalem, recourse was taken to the extreme remedy of expelling the
foreign wives and their children (Ezra chs. 9, 10). The gradualness by which these
phases of the struggle were observed determines their order of succession.
7. The situation of the empire, in the 20th year of Artaxerxes I, and in the seventh
year of Artaxerxes II, which were years of peace, were favorable to the mission of
Nehemiah and to the return of Ezra. On the contrary, in the seventh year of his
reign Artaxerxes I needed all his money in order to repair the disasters of the
war.50
Kugler, op. cit., p. 215 ff., provides some new arguments in favor of the sequence
Ezra-Nehemiah. He desires to prove that the year 458 BC, the 7th year of Artaxerxes I, is
the only one that fits in with the dates of different events. Van Hoonacker (Rev. bibliq.,
1923–1924) has shown the weakness of these arguments. Moreover, is it not well
established that Ezra and Nehemiah observed the Babylonian calendar? If any doubt
remains on this subject, what are the arguments brought forth by Kugler worth?
We notice that the mission of Nehemiah dates to 445 BC, the 20th year of
Artaxerxes I. We have said that Eliashib was high priest in the time of Nehemiah.
However Jehohanan, the grandson [sic51] of Eliashib, was already installed as the high
priest in 410 BC, before the accession of Artaxerxes II. This fact is established by the
Elephantine papyri, discovered by Rubensohn and published by Sachau in 1907.
It follows from these same documents the return of Ezra, in the time of
Jehohanan, cannot be assigned to the reign of Artaxerxes III. Ezra returned in 398, the
seventh year of Artaxerxes II.52 See in the Supplément under the words ÉLÉPHANTINE and
NÉHÉMIE.
C. The date of the new year. — The foundation of the temple was laid in the 24th of the
sixth month of the second year of Darius (Haggai 1:15). In the 24th of the ninth month of
the same year, Haggai (2:10) delivered a discourse: “From this day on, from the twenty-
fourth day of the ninth month, give careful thought to the day when the foundation of the
Temple of the Lord was laid!” (Haggai 2:18). It follows from these words that the sixth
50 Which war? I think Coucke here confuses Artaxerxes with Xerxes, who was defeated at the Battle of
Salamis in 480 BC, in his sixth year of reign.
51 He was the son of Eliashib, not grandson, as noted in a previous footnote. There is no difficulty with
Eliashib being high priest in 445 BC, the time of Nehemiah’s coming to Jerusalem, and his son being high
priest 35 years later in 410 BC.
52 This is contradicted by Ezra’s presence with Nehemiah at the dedication of the wall (Neh. 8:2,9).
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month of the second year of Darius preceded the ninth month of the same year. This is
proof that the prophecies of Haggai
[cols. 1271 and 1272 have a table that is not reproduced in this translation. It shows
Nehemiah coming to Jerusalem in the 20th year of Artaxerxes, 445 BC, and then the first
appearance of Ezra being at that time, so that he was there at the dedication of the wall.
Then “Nehemiah returns to Susa. Ezra accompanies him, perhaps. Toward the end of the
reign of Artaxerxes, Nehemiah returns to Jerusalem.” Coucke then says that in the
seventh year of Artaxerxes II (reigned 405n to 359n), Ezra comes to Jerusalem. Most
commentators put this in the seventh year of Artaxerxes I, 458 BC. The text resumes in
col. 1273.]
are dated in keeping with the Babylonian year, which began in the spring.
Nehemiah knew the year that began in the autumn: the ninth month of the 20th
year of Artaxerxes (Neh 1:1) preceded the first month of the same year (Neh 2:1).
Nehemiah followed the calendar that was in effect before the Exile.
The texts are however too few to allow determining with certainty the calendar
that was followed.
D. Manner of computing the years. — There is no doubt that the community of the Exile
used accession reckoning. This was the usage in effect before the captivity in Judah and
during the captivity at Babylon. The Persians used accession reckoning. We have in
addition a calculation of Nehemiah (5:14) based on the principles of this usage: the
governor said that he spent 12 years in Jerusalem, from the 20th to the 32nd year of
Artaxerxes. If this had been by non-accession reckoning, he would have said that he was
there 13 years.53
E. Date of the completion of the Temple. — According to the existing text (Ezra 6:15),
the Temple was completed on the third day of the month Adar in the sixth year of Darius.
III Esdras 7:5 and Josephus (Ant. 11.4.7) support “23rd Adar.” Moreover, in Jerusalem as
in Babylon, the third of Adar in the sixth year of Darius was a Saturday,54 and the 23rd
was a Friday. But work was not to be done on the Sabbath day (Kugler, op. cit., p. 215).
53 Incorrect. From year 20 to 32 would be 12 years by either method, accession or non-accession. It is only
when the accession year of the monarch is considered that there is a difference.
54 I checked this statement, and it seems to be correct. The implication that the work of construction was
completed on a Sabbath, however, is not necessary. The grammatical construction of the sentence seems to
allow a different interpretation. For the first consideration, the verb used here, yatsa, is found only in this
one instance in the Aramaic portions of the OT, although its Hebrew cognate is quite common. It is in the
Shaphel form, which Andrew Steinmann (personal communication) says is often used instead of the normal
Haphel as the equivalent of the Hebrew Hiphil when the verb is derived from Akkadian. Gesenius and Keil
and Delitzsch disagree on whether it is passive or active, but the general sense seems to be “was finished.”
The main issue though, in my estimation, is the preposition used (’ad): the construction was finished “’ad
the third day of the month Adar.” Most translations give “on the third day of the month Adar,” which
represents a translation of ’ad that is inconsistent with the meaning of this preposition. The preposition
expresses “to, even to some certain limit” (Gesenius) in both Hebrew and Aramaic. We could therefore
translate as “up to,” “until,” “unto,” etc. The meaning would be that construction continued up to the third
of Adar of the sixth year of Darius. Lange’s commentary, loc. cit., translates correctly: “By the third day of
the month Adar, that is the last month of the year, was the temple finished.” If that day really was a
Sabbath, then presumably a dedication could have been performed on the Sabbath day to mark completion
of the work.
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II. THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE MACCABEES. — (See tables on following pages. – [Tables
are not given in this translation.]) — The two books of the Maccabees date events in
terms of the Seleucid era. This era did not begin at the same time in every country. The
Syrians had it begin on the first of Tishri, 312 BC, and the Babylonians on the first of
Nisan, 311 BC (Kugler, op. cit. p. 303). We therefore need to examine which date it is
that serves as the point of departure for the era employed by the two authors of the books
of Maccabees.
A. Determination of the Seleucid era in the First and Second Books of the Maccabees.
I. In the first book of Maccabees, this era begins on the first of Nisan, 312 BC.55
The Babylonians allowed their country to come under the domination of Arsace,
king of the Persians and Medes, at the beginning of July in the 171st year of the Seleucids
(141 BC).56 However, 1 Macc. 14:1 dates this event to the year 172.57
The era of this book is therefore one year or one and one-half years ahead of the
era adopted in Babylonia. In the first case, the year 172 of the First Book of Maccabees
began on the first of Nisan, 141 BC, and the year 151 the first of Nisan 162 BC.58 In the
other case, the year 172 began on the first of Tishri 142 BC, and the year 151, on the first
of Tishri 163 BC.59
It is also possible that the Babylonian and Judean month reckonings were off by a day at this time, so
that the third of Adar in the Judean calendar was a day earlier or later than the third of Adar in the
Babylonian calendar—the calendar from which Julian date conversions are made by Parker and
Dubberstein. If this were the case, then the third of Adar in Judea would be either a Friday or a Sunday.
55 Coucke means that the year that began on 1 Nisan 312 BC was year one of the Seleucid Era according to
the Babylonian system. It was not year zero or an accession year. This is contrary to more recent
scholarship that accepts SE 1 Babylonian as 311n (Finegan, Handbook, p. 102). That SE 1 Babylonian was
311n, not Coucke’s 312n, is shown by a text of Josephus that deals with Judas’s rededication of the
Temple. This is an important date in Jewish history that is remembered to this day in the festival of the
Hanukkah (Dedication). Josephus (Ant. 12.7.6/12.321), in agreement with 1 Macc. 4:52, dates this event to
the 25th day of the ninth month (Kislev, Nov/Dec), 148 SE, but he adds the further information that it was
in the 154th Olympiad. The 154th Olympiad began in the summer of 164 BC. According to the
Macedonian (312t base date) reckoning, SE 148 would have ended in the sixth month (Elul) of 164 BC and
its ninth month would have been in the preceding Nov/Dec, i.e. before the beginning of 154th Olympiad.
Similar logic rules out a starting date of 312n for 1 SE. Only 1 SE = 311n fits, and it will be assumed that 1
Maccabees consistently uses 1 SE as 311n. Because Coucke uses 1 SE = 312n, in the following text I shall
point out, in footnotes, corrections to Coucke’s dates for the time of the Maccabees. The corrections are
numerous and can get tiresome.
56 Based on the demonstration given in the preceding footnote that year 1 SE = 311n, the correct year is
311n – 170 (acc) = 141n. Strangely, Coucke appears to use here 1 SE = 311n, whereas he uses 1 SE = 312n
elsewhere. It seems he is allowing that other sources use 1 SE = 311n, but 1 Maccabees uses 1 SE = 312n,
as suggested two paragraphs above.
In my “When Did Jerusalem Fall?” paper, I introduced the convention that, when doing non-accession
calculations like this, one year should be subtracted from the years being subtracted and then “(acc)” should
be put after this to show that the one-year reduction in the subtrahend is because the elapsed time given is
by non-accession counting. This notation will avoid the frequent confusion found in chronological
discussions regarding whether the years being reckoned are by non-accession or accession counting.
57 1 Macc. 14:1 does not say explicitly that the Babylonians came under Arsace in the year 172 SE; it may
have happened earlier in year 171.
58 For 172 SE, it should be 311n – 171 (acc) = 140n, and for 151 SE, it should be 311n – 150 (acc) = 161n.
59 Also wrong: for 172 SE, 312t – 171 (acc) = 141t, and for 151 SE, 312t – 150 (acc) = 162t.
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However, the year 151 of the Seleucid era (1 Macc. 7:1 ff.) began the first of
Nisan, 162 BC.60
Here are the proofs: according to the Babylonian documents (Kugler, op. cit., p.
330), the accession of Demetrius 1 fell in the year 150 of the Seleucids, after the month of
September 162 BC. According to 1 Macc. 7:1 ff., this act dates to the year 151.61
However, on the 13th of Adar (February-March) of this year, Nicanor, a general of
Demetrius, was defeated at Bethhoron (1 Macc. 7:39, 50). This battle was fought after the
accession of Demetrius. Therefore the year 151 did not began on the first of Tishri of 163
BC, but six months later, on the first of Nisan, 162 BC.62
II. The era of the Second Book begins in the month of Tishri, 312 BC.
The military operations for which Judea was the theatre from the first of Nisan to
the first of Tishri of the year 163 BC, are dated in the first book from the 150th, and in
the second book from the 149th year of the Seleucids.63 This proves that the era followed
in the First Book begins at least six months before the era of the Second Book.64
On the other hand, the events which transpire from the month of Tishri, 162 BC,
to the First of Nisan
[col. 1274]
following are reported by the two authors in the same 151st year of the Seleucids. This
proves that the two different eras differ only by six months. Here are the facts:
a. According to 1 Macc. 6:18, in year 150 of the Seleucids, Judas Maccabee initiated a
siege before the citadel of Jerusalem. On hearing of this, Antiochus Eupator mustered an
army and came to besiege Bethsur, and defeated Judah at Beth-Zacharia. The Syrians
showed some of their elephants some grape juice and mulberry juice in order to excite
them to combat. This circumstance allows us to date the battle in the summer, probably in
the month of July, 150 [SE]. However, according to 2 Macc. 13:1 ff., it was in the year
149 that Judas and his companions learned that Antiochus was marching against Judea.65
60 The correct year is 311n – 150 (acc) = 161n. Getting these dates right is important in the discussion of
Sabbatical years that follows.
61 1 Macc. 7:1 says that Demetrius left Rome in 150 SE, and after that he “was set on the throne of his
kingdom” (1 Macc 7:4). It is unclear why Coucke thinks this has to be in the year following his departure
from Rome. Did he misread the 150 SE of 1 Macc. 7:1 as 151? Consequently, there is no conflict between
1 Macc. 7 and Kugler’s Babylonian documents; both seem to refer to 150 SE.
62 Demetrius left Rome in 150 SE (1 Macc. 7:1). If it was at the end of that year that the battle was fought,
i.e. in Adar of 150 SE, then it would be in 311n – 149 (acc) = 162n. The following month, Nisan, would
then start 161n, not Coucke’s 162n. The Babylonian documents cited by Kugler and 1 Macc would then
agree with 1 Maccabees; all these events would happen in 150 SE, i.e. 162n.
63 1 Macc. 6:18–20; 2 Macc. 13:1.
64 Coucke will explain this more fully in paragraph a. of the next column. My opinion is that 2 Maccabees
use a starting point of 1 SE = 312t, whereas 1 Maccabees starts with 1 SE = 311n, six months later than 2
Maccabees. 2 Maccabees, however, may not always be consistent in its dating. It often uses only
approximate chronological notes. For the important event of the cleansing of the Temple, it does not give
the year, indicating some uncertainty regarding dates by the author.
65 This would support Coucke’s contention that 2 Maccabees’ dating system is six months earlier than that
of 1 Maccabees. These data, however, are in conflict with the statement from Josephus (Ant. 12.7.6/12.321)
that the date of the institution of Hanukkah was both in the 154th Olympiad and in 148 SE, showing that 1
Maccabees was using 1 SE = 311n as the starting year for its SE dates. The apparent contradiction of this in
Coucke’s present paragraph may be because the 149 SE of 2 Macc. 13:1 is incorrect.
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We therefore maintain also that the era followed in the first book begins at least six
months before the era of the second book.
b. In the year 151 of the Seleucids (the Vulgate gives the year 150, which is a copyist’s
mistake), three years (149–151) having elapsed from the events related in 2 Macc. 13:1
ff., Judas learned that Demetrius, the son of Seleucus IV, had escaped from his captivity
and was restored on the throne, after having put to death Antiochus and his guardian
Lysias (2 Macc. 14:4 ff.). The same facts are related in the first book and reported for the
same year 151 (1 Macc. 7:1–4). However, the 18th of Tishri, 150 of the Seleucid era
(Babylonian era: 17 October, 162 BC66) is still dated in terms of the reign of Antiochus.
Kugler (op. cit., p. 330) shows that this king was put to death during this month. It
follows from this that the era followed in the first book coincides with the era of the
second book, for the part of the year that goes from the month of Tishri to the following
first of Nisan. The era of the second book is delayed therefore six months over the era of
the first book.67
The cycle of Sabbatical years confirms our conclusions. According to Josephus
(Ant. 14.16.2; 15.1.2), the year 38 (Tishri 38 to Tishri 37) was a Sabbatical year for the
land.68 Therefore the year 164 (t. 164t – t. 163) was also a Sabbatical year.69 As a result,
66 Consistent with what is said in the preceding footnotes, year 150 SE was 311n – 149 (acc) = 162n. Parker
and Dubberstein (p. 41) start year 150 of the Seleucid era on Nisan 1 (April 5) of 162 BC, and the 18th of
Tishri in that year was October 16, 162 BC.
67 This statement should read “The era of the second book precedes by six months the era of the first book.”
Coucke’s error is because he chose 312n as 1 SE in 1 Maccabees. This was shown to be wrong by
Josephus’s reference (Ant. 12.7.6), cited above, that related the cleansing of the Temple to both an SE date
and an Olympiad. With year 1 SE Macedonian = 312t and year 1 SE Babylonian = 311n, the two methods
would still give the same SE year from 1 Nisan to the day before 1 Tishri. From Tishri 1 to the day before 1
Nisan, however, the Macedonian year-count would be one higher that the Babylonian.
68 In Ant. 14.16.2 (14.473, 475 in the Loeb edition), Josephus says that the city was besieged in the summer
time of a Sabbatical year. In Ant. 14.16.4 (14.487), he adds the further information the city fell “in the
185th Olympiad, in the third month, on the day of the Fast” (τῆς νηστείας, the same word used for the Day
of Atonement (Tishri 10) in Acts 27:9). There is some confusion here because Josephus says it was
regarding the “third month” and Tishri is the sixth month of the Jewish calendar, not the third month. If the
“third month” is according to the Olympiad calendar mentioned in the previous words, this would be
September, which is consistent with the Day of Atonement being on 25th of September, 36 BC, if there was
no intercalary month in that year (Parker and Dubberstein, p. 44).
The other great confusion is that Josephus says that the city fell in the consulate of Marcus Agrippa and
Caninius Gallus (Gallo), which was 37 BC. This wrong consulate year has led to endless confusion; it is the
basis of Zuckermann’s (Benedict Zuckermann, A Treatise on the Sabbatical Cycle and the Juiblees, tr. A.
Löwy, [NY: Sepher-Herman Press, 1974; original publication, in German, was in 1874]) wrong calendar of
Sabbatical years (one year too early) and is the basis for Emil Schürer’s misdating the reign of Herod, a
misdating that is still followed by the consensus of modern scholars. For a demonstration of how
Zuckermann’s one-year-too-early Sabbatical calendar led him into immediate conflict with the Sabbatical
years of the Hasmonean period, and other irreconcilable conflicts, see Steinmann and Young, Consular
and Sabbatical Years in the Life of Herod (BSac September 2020). Wacholder’s one-year corrections to
Zuckermann were after Coucke’s time, as were the findings of contract texts at Wadi Murabba‘at that
showed that Wacholder’s calendar was the correct one, not Zuckermann’s.
There is considerable evidence that Josephus gave the wrong consular year, and that Jerusalem was
taken by Herod in the summer of 36 BC, which would still be in the 185th Olympiad. The Sabbatical year
would then be 37t, which is consistent with the many other attested Sabbatical years that Wacholder
presented to show that Zuckermann’s Sabbatical calendar was one year too early. The evidence that
Josephus gave the wrong consular year is presented at length in a discussion in Andrew Steinmann’s From
Abraham to Paul, pages 226–227. First, Steinmann gives arguments from Josephus’s statements that the
siege occurred 27 years after Pompey’s conquest of the city in 63 BC and that it brought about the end of
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if the era of the first book of Maccabees begins on the first of Nisan, 312 BC, and
precedes by six months the era of the second book, the following identity holds: the
summer of the year 150 of 1 Maccabees – the summer of the year 149 of 2 Maccabees =
the end of the Sabbatical year t. 164 – t. 163.70 Therefore these three points are verified:
the siege of Bethsur (summer of 163 BC)71 fell at the end of a Sabbatical year and is
dated, as we have seen, to the year 150 in the first book of Maccabees and the year 149 in
the second (1 Macc. 6:18 ff.; 2 Macc. 13:1 ff.).
B. Method of computing the years. — We have seen that the author of 2 Maccabees (14:1
ff.; cf. 13:1 ff.) reckons three years from the 149th to the 151st year of the Seleucids. A
change therefore happened in the manner of computing after the time of Nehemiah, who
still reckoned as did the Jews in the time of the Judean kings.
the Hasmonean government that had been in place, since 163 BC, for 126 years. Both of these calculations
give 36 BC for Herod’s victory. Then Steinmann continues as follows (p. 227):
There are several other indications that Josephus gave the wrong consular year for Herod’s
conquest of Jerusalem. The first is in Josephus’ own writings. He states that Pompey reinstated
Hyrcanus II as high priest after he conquered Jerusalem in Tishri 63 BC and that Hyrcanus reigned
twenty-four more years (i.e., to Tishri 39 BC). This was followed by Antigonus’ reign of three years
and three months (or six months). This puts Antigonus’ execution in December 36 BC (or March 35
BC). This fits well if Herod conquered Jerusalem in September 36 BC. The three (or six) additional
months would have been the time needed to take Antigonus to Antony, for Antony to receive
Herod’s bribe and request that Antigonus be killed, and to arrange for Antigonus’ execution. Thus,
Josephus’ own chronology of the high priests of this period date Herod’s conquest to 36 BC, not 37
BC.
Second, Dio’s Roman History casts doubt on Josephus’ consular year. Dio reports that during 37
BC Sossius engaged in no military activity, and Dio specified that Sossius did this because he did not
want to be seen as doing anything to advance Antony’s interest. Thus, Dio’s statement implies that
Sossius would not have helped Herod that year, since Herod was favored by Antony.
Another support for Herod’s victory being dated to 36 BC, in the Sabbatical year that began in the
preceding fall (37t) is found in the discussion of the Sabbatical year of 163t mentioned in 1 Macc. 6:20 and
that will be discussed in the next footnote. It is exactly 18 Sabbatica1 cycles from 163t to 36t; this does not
work with Zuckermann and Coucke’s positing 38t as a Sabbatical year.
Dr. Steinmann and I have pubished a series of articles attempting to cover all aspects of the
Josephan chronology related to Herod, starting with his 2009 article in Novus Testamentum. Links to these
articles may be found on our Academia.edu pages, or at http://www.rcyoung.org/User%20Guide.html#NT .
69 It is important to get these dates right. They impinge on the whole chronology of the Hasmonean and
Herodian periods, and also on the chronology of the Incarnation. According to 1 Macc. 6:20, Judas
Maccabee besieged the tower of Bethsur in the 150th Seleucid year, which was 311n – 149 (acc) = 162n
according to the convention we have been following. The siege was in the summer, and it was a Sabbatical
year, so the Sabbatical year would have started in Tishri of 163 BC, i.e. it was 163t, not Coucke’s 164t.
163t is 18 Sabbatical cycles before the Sabbatical year associated with Herod’s siege of Jerusalem, which
was 37t. These figures are compatible with Wacholder’s calendar of post-exilic Sabbatical years, but not
with Zuckermann’s (and Coucke’s). Finegan, Handbook, top of p. 104, thinks the year 150 SE in 1 Macc.
6:20 for the siege of Bethsur is a mistake, but that is because he accepts Zuckermann’s calendar of post-
exilic Sabbatical years. There is no mistake when we accept Wacholder’s calendar. Finegan was misled on
this issue because, on p. 122 of the Handbook, he used a wrong translation of the relevant passage in the
Seder ‘Olam to decide in favor of Zuckermann’s calendar vs. that of Wacholder. See my discussion of the
issue, and the reason why the correct translation of the Seder Olam passage is crucial, inSeder Olam and
the Sabbaticals Associated with the Two Destructions of Jerusalem, Part I, pp. 176 –178.
70 Should be t. 163 – t. 162, i.e. 163t. See the preceding footnote.
71 Summer of 162 BC.
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C. Chronological difficulties. — 1. The reign of Ptolemy Philometor, king of Egypt (181–
146).72 — Ptolemy Philometor reigned 36 years. His last year began on the 29th of
September 146 BC. However, according to 2 Macc. 4:7–22, the enthronement of this
king only took place after the death of Seleucus IV Philopater, who died in the first
months of the year 175.
This fact is explained because the mother of Ptolemy was regent until 175.
Another difficulty has to do with the date of Ptolemy’s death. A papyrus is dated
from the 18th of Pharmuti of his 36th year (14 May 145 BC). However, according to 1
Macc. 11:1–19, Ptolemy died in the year 167 of the Seleucids, that is, after the ninth of
March, (1 Nisan) of 146 BC, and before the 27th of March (1 Nisan) of 145 BC.73
The historical circumstances explain this difficulty.
[cols. 1275–1278 (two pages) have the tables showing the chronology of the time of the
Maccabees. These tables are not presented in this translation. The text resumes in col.
1279.]
Ptolemy Eupator should have succeeded Philometor. Eurgetus, the uncle of Eupator,
contested the throne with him and succeeded after some difficulties in seizing power.
Ptolemy Philometor probably died in the month of March, with the 14th of May falling
during the vacancy of the throne, a vacancy prolonged by the difficulties created related
to the succession. Meanwhile the dating continued from the last year of Philometor, a
year which otherwise did not finish until the 27th of September, 145 BC.
2. Desecration and purification of the temple. — 1 Macc. 2:1 ff. [also 1:54, 59], 4:37 ff.
relate that the temple was desecrated on the 15th of Kislev in the year 145 of the
Seleucids (168 BC) and that it was purified on the 25th of Kislev of the year 148 (24
December 165 BC).
The 15th of Kislev is a copyist’s error. Second Maccabees says expressly that the
temple was profaned on the 25th of Kislev and that it was later purified on the same day
(2 Macc. 10:5).
The temple was purified four years (according to the manner of reckoning of the
Jews of this time) after its defilement; 2 Macc. 10:3 reckons an interval of only two years.
This is a copyist’s error.74
3. A simple reconciliation, established between 2 Macc. 8:30–32 and 10:24–38 on the
one hand, and 2 Macc. 12:10–31 on the other hand, shows that there were two generals
named Timothy. Both of them fought against Judas during the year 148 (from Tishri 165
to Nisan 164 BC),75 the one in Judea — he died at Gazara — the other in the country of
the Ammonites, where he was defeated by Judas, who captured the town of Gazara.
72 Britannica Online dates him ca. 180 – 145.
73 The two sources are in agreement when we accept that 311n is the first Seleucid year as used in 1
Maccabees. 311n – 166 (acc) = 145n, in agreement with May 145 of the papyrus. There is no need to posit
a vacancy on the throne.
74 Year 145 SE was 311n – 144 (acc) = 167n. According to Parker and Dubberstein, 25 Kislev in 167 BC
was December 11, 167 BC. 148 SE was 311n – 147 (acc) = 164n. 25 Kislev in 164n was December 13, 164
BC. There were 1,098 days between the defilement of the altar and its rededication.
75 We tentatively accept Coucke’s conclusion that 2 Maccabees follows the Macedonian calendar that has
year 1 SE = 312t.
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[There follows a small table showing dates in the Hasmonean period, followed by the
Roman period. Rulers given are Simon, 143–136 BC, Hyrcanus I, 136–105, Aristobulus
I, 105, Alexander Janneus, 104–77, Alexandra 77–68, Aristobulus II, 68–64. Taking of
the Temple mount by Pompey, 10 Tishri = 24 September 63 BC. Then, under Roman
dominion, Hyrcanus II, 64–40 BC. Antigonus, 40–37, Herod the Great, 40 to 5 or 4 BC.76
Archaelaus, 4 BC to AD 6. Capture of Jerusalem by Herod and Sosius, 10 Tishri = 6
October, 37 BC.77]
BIBLIOGRAPHY. There is an abundant bibliography for the Maccabeean period in E.
Schürer, Geschicte des jüdischen Volkes im Zeitaller Jesu Christ, vol. 1, Leipzig, 1901;
for the Persian period, in the article Esdras [Ezra] in this dictionary; for the period of the
kings in Herzog, F. A., Die chronologie der beiden Königsbücher, Munster, 1909. The
latest works are cited in F. X. Kugler, Von Moses bis Paulus, Munster, 1922; E. Ruffini,
Chronologia V. et N. Testamenti in aeram nostra collata, Rome, 1924; J. Lewy, Die
Chronologie der Könige von Israël und Juda, Giessen, 1927. Die Gadd’sche Chronik und
die Heilige Schrift (Biblica, 1927, pp. 385–417).
V. Coucke [end of article]
76 Coucke follows Schürer’s dates for Herod. There is now compelling evidence that Herod died in 1 BC,
not 4 BC. See Steinmann, “When Did Herod the Great Reign,” pp. 12–25.
77 As demonstrated above, it was 10 Tishri 36 BC = Oct. 26, 36 BC.
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[cols. 1247 and 1248 (one page) have the table for the reigns of the kings of Judah. Cols.
1249 and 1250 have the kings of Israel. Below is my version of the tables. I replaced
Coucke’s annotation with mine, and also omitted the various comments (links to
Assyrian records, etc.). I have also simplified the formatting.]
Chronology of the Kings of Judah
Years Began Began Official
King reigned coregency sole reign Ended start and end
Solomon 40 (39) 972t* 932t 972t* – 932t
Rehoboam 17 932t 914n/914t 932t – 915t
Abijah 3 914n/914t 912t/911n 915t – 912t
Asa 41 912t/911n 871t/870n 912t – 871t
Jehoshaphat 25(24) [23] ** 871t/870n 848t** 871t* – 848t**
Jehoram 8 (7) 855t** 848t** 846n/846t** 855t – 847t**
Ahaziah 1 (0) 846n/846t** 846t/845n** 847t – 846t**
Athaliah 7 (6) 846t/845n** 840n/840t** 846t?– 841t**
Jehoash 40 (39) 840n/840t** 802t** 841t – 802t**
Amaziah 29 803t/802n** 802t** 775t/774n** 803t – 775t**
Amaziah, alternate [17] 803t/802n** 802t** 787t** 803t – 787t**
Uzziah 52 (51) [40] 775t/774n** 735n/735t** 775t – 736t**
Uzziah, alt. 52 (51) 787t** 736t/735n** 787t – 736t**
Jotham 16 (15) [4] 735n/735t** 732t/731n* 736t – 732t**
Ahaz 16 [4] 732t/731n* 728t/727n** 732t – 728t**
Ahaz , alt. 16 732t731n* 716t* 732t – 716t
Hezekiah 29 728t/727n** 699t** 728t – 699t**
Hezekiah, alt. [17] 716t* 699t** 716t – 699t**
Manasseh 55 (54) 699t** 644t* 699t – 644t**
Amon 2 644t* 642t* 644t – 642t**
Josiah 31 642t* 610 BC* 642t – 611t**
Jehoahaz 3 mo. 610 BC* 610t* 610 BC*
Jehoiakim 11 610t* Dec599/Jan598* 610t – 599t*
Jehoiachin 3 mo. 10 d. Dec599/Jan598* Nisan 598* 599t*
Zedekiah 11 (10) Nisan 598* 588t 599t* – 588t
* means slight difference between my figures and Coucke's. ** means a significant difference. In "Years reigned",
square brackets indicate Coucke attempted to emend the text here. Round parentheses means this is the ‘actual’
number of years because the preceding figure, in my chronology (=“modified Thiele”), is by non-accession reckoning.
Coucke assumes non-accession reckoning for Athaliah, Joash, Amaziah, and Uzziah.
He has the following coregencies: Jehoshaphat/Jehoram, Jehoash/Amaziah.
He misses these coregencies: Asa/Jehoshaphat, Uzziah/Jotham, Jotham/Ahaz, Ahaz/Hezekiah, and
Hezekiah/Manasseh.
He emends the following reign lengths: Jehoshaphat, Amaziah alt., Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, Hezekiah alt.
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Cols. 1249 and 1250. Chronology of the Kings of Israel
Years Overlapping Began Official
King reigned reigns sole reign Ended start and end
Jeroboam I 22 (21) 931t/930n* 910n* 931n – 910n
Nadab 2 (1) 910n* 909n* 910n – 909n
Baasha 24 (23) 909n* 886n* 909n – 886n
Elah 2 (1) 886n* 885n* 886n – 885n
Zimri 7 days 885n* 885n
Tibni (not stated) –- -- --
Omri 12 (11) 885n* 874n* 885n – 874n
Ahab 22 (21) 874n* 853n/853t 874n – 853n
Ahaziah 2 (1) 853n/853t 852n* 853n – 852n
Joram 12 (11) [7] 852n* 846t/845n** 852n – 846n**
Jehu 28 (27) 846t/845n** 819n** 846n – 819n**
Jehoahaz 17 (16) 820n** 819n** 805n** 820n – 805n**
Joash 16 805n** 789n** 805n – 789n**
Jeroboam II 41 (40) 789n** 749n** 789n – 749n**
Zechariah 6 mo. 749n** 749n** 749n**
Shallum 1 mo. 749n or 748n** same same
Menahem 10 748n/748t** 738t/737n** 748n – 738n**
Pekahiah 2 738t/737n** 736t/735n** 738n – 736n**
Pekah 20 [6] 736t/735n** 731n/737t** 736n – 731n**
Hoshea 9 731n/731t** 722t/721n** 731n – 722n**
* means slight difference between my figures (i.e. Thiele’s, basically) and Coucke's. ** means a significant difference.
In "Years reigned", square brackets indicate Coucke attempted to emend the text here. Round parentheses means this
is the ‘actual’ number of years because the preceding figure, in Thiele’s chronology, is by non-accession reckoning.
Coucke assumes non-accession reckoning for all kings except Menahem, Pekahiah, and Hoshea.
He has the following coregencies: Jehu/Jehoahaz; Joash/Jeroboam II (in text, col. 1254, but not in table).
He emends the following reign lengths: Joram, Pekah.
Inconsistencies in the table: Coucke’s starting and ending dates for Jehoahaz, 820n and 805n both in the
text and in the table, are not consistent with 17 non-accession years given him in 2 Kgs 13:1. Joash’s 16
years are by acc. reckoning in the table, but in col. 1256 Coucke says all of Jehu’s dynasty was by non-acc.
reckoning.